Sunday, 1 November 2009

Peter Shellem, Investigative Reporter Who Wrote About Wrongful Convictions, Dies at 49


Peter Shellem, whose relentless digging into dusty court records, erroneous crime-lab reports and coerced confessions during his 23 years as a reporter for The Patriot-News in Harrisburg, Pa., led to the release of five wrongly convicted prisoners, died Oct. 24 at his home in Gardners, Pa. He was 49.

In one case, a man who was a teenager when he was convicted of killing a neighbor was released after 28 years in prison. In another, DNA evidence that Mr. Shellem recovered from a professor’s refrigerator in Leipzig, Germany, exonerated a retarded man of rape and murder.

Mr. Shellem committed suicide, his son Philip said, but the Cumberland County coroner, Michael Norris, would not confirm the cause of death.

Although Mr. Shellem’s investigative work was not widely known outside of central Pennsylvania, Barry Scheck, co-director of the Innocence Project at the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law at Yeshiva University in New York, called him “a rare, one-man journalism innocence project.”

“He got into the nitty-gritty details of cases, and when he began to believe that somebody was wrongfully convicted he wouldn’t stop until he got justice,” Mr. Scheck said Monday. “Justice from the Fourth Estate has always been a great safety valve of our legal system, and Pete Shellem was that safety valve in Pennsylvania.”

In a profile in 2007, American Journalism Review wrote of Mr. Shellem, “No one keeps records on such things, but experts on journalism and the wrongly convicted cannot think of a present-day reporter who by himself has compiled a résumé of freed prisoners as thick as Shellem’s.”

Among them is Steven Crawford, who was arrested in 1970, when he was 14, after a friend was bludgeoned to death with a hammer. In 2001, Mr. Shellem learned that an old briefcase had been found in the attic of a deceased detective who had worked on the case. Notes in the briefcase suggested that a state police chemist had altered laboratory results to help convict Mr. Crawford. The Dauphin County District Attorney’s Office supported Mr. Crawford’s release after 28 years in prison.

In 1988, Barry Laughman, a man with an IQ of about 70, was sentenced to life in prison for the rape and murder of a distant relative, Edna Laughman. Fifteen years later, Mr. Shellem’s series in The Patriot-News pointed to flaws in the case, including a confession that appeared to have been coerced. He also tracked down microscope slides of semen recovered from the victim’s body that had been taken to Germany by a professor who had tried, but failed, to identify the DNA. DNA techniques that had improved since the trial showed that Mr. Laughman was not the killer. He was freed in 2003.

“In the Laughman case, Pete was beating his head against the wall for years and no one would listen to him,” Bill Moushey, director of the Innocence Institute of Point Park University in Pittsburgh, said Monday. “Some law enforcement people brought personal attacks against him, trying to debunk his work, but he stood strong and eventually that retarded kid walked out of prison.”

Among the other prisoners freed by Mr. Shellem’s investigations is David Gladden, who was convicted in 1995 of killing a 67-year-old woman, Geneva Long, and burning the body. Ten years later, Mr. Shellem discovered that a convicted serial killer had lived next door to Ms. Long; he had killed his known victims in the same way.

Mr. Shellem interviewed a witness who had testified that he was with Mr. Gladden at the time of the crime. The witness recanted, saying he had been coerced into confessing a role in the crime. Mr. Gladden walked out of prison on Feb. 16, 2007.

“I don’t start writing until I’m sure I’m right,” Mr. Shellem told The American Journalism Review, “and if people need to be embarrassed into doing the right thing, I’m happy to oblige them.”

Peter Joseph Shellem was born in Philadelphia on Oct. 6, 1960, one of five children of Harry and Josephine Shellem. Besides his son Philip, he is survived by his wife of 24 years, the former Joyce Elser; another son, Alek; a brother, Paul; and a sister, Karen Cain.

Mr. Shellem graduated from Temple University with a degree in journalism in 1983. While in college, he worked at The Delaware County Times. He was a reporter for The Mercury, in Pottstown, Pa., before being hired by The Patriot-News in 1986.

A bearded, barrel-chested man, Mr. Shellem could have been cast as a B-movie reporter. He knew the first names of many bartenders in Harrisburg. He would sit in a bar poring over court transcripts and interviewing sources.

“I don’t want to lead anyone to believe I go to bars only to get stories,” he once said, “although it would be nice if my editors did.”

Source(www.nytimes.com)

Saturday, 31 October 2009

All Charges Dismissed Against Former Texas Death Row Inmate--139th Exoneration Nationally

On October 28, 2009, Travis County, Texas, prosecutors moved to dismiss all charges against Michael Scott and Robert Springsteen, who had been convicted in 2001 of the murder of four teens in an Austin yogurt shop in 1991. Springsteen had been sentenced to death and Scott was sentenced to life in prison. The convictions of both men were overturned by the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals because they had not been adequately allowed to cross examine each other. State District Judge Mike Lynch had released the defendants on bond in June, pending a possible retrial by the state. However, sophisticated DNA analysis of evidence from the crime scene did not match either defendant and the prosecution announced it was not prepared to go to trial. The judge accepted the state's motion to dismiss all charges. Prosecutors are still trying to match the DNA from crime with a new defendant.

"This has been a long time coming," said Scott, once charges were dropped, "and I'm happy to be here." Both Scott and Springsteen implicated themselves at the time of their arrest, 8 years after the crime. However, both claimed that their statements had been coerced by police. The police investigation had been compromised from the start because the building had been set on fire, and thousands of gallons of water were poured on the crime scene before an investigation was carried out. Travis County District Attorney Rosemary Lehmberg issued a statement that said in part: "Make no mistake, this is a difficult decision and one I would rather not have to make."

(S. Kreytak, "Charges dismissed in yogurt shop case," Austin American-Statesman, October 28, 2009; see also J. Vertuno, "Murder counts tossed in Texas yogurt shop slayings," Associated Press, Oct. 29, 2009). See also Innocence. Robert Springsteen is the 139th person to be exonerated and freed from death row since 1973, according to the Death Penalty Information Center's compilation of such cases. The criteria for inclusion on this list are:

Defendants must have been convicted, sentenced to death and subsequently either-

a) their conviction was overturned AND

i) they were acquitted at re-trial or

ii) all charges were dropped

b) they were given an absolute pardon by the governor based on new evidence of innocence.

Source(www.deathpenaltyinfo.org)

15 exonerees attend conference at UTA


ARLINGTON — During a prolonged standing ovation, the Texas exonerees were brought forward one by one. By the time the introductions were done, 14 men and one woman, each having served years in prison for crimes they did not commit, stood together on a stage at the University of Texas at Arlington.

"On this panel there is 200 years of incarceration," one of them, Anthony Robinson, told a large crowd of students, educators, relatives and government officials. "Two hundred years of suffering. Two hundred years of ignoring a problem that is screaming to be dealt with.

"You have a chance to make a phenomenal difference," said Robinson, who was wrongly convicted of rape. "This is a cause."

The emotional gathering of exonerees, one of the largest since wrongful convictions began making national headlines several years ago, headlined a daylong conference Friday sponsored by the UTA School of Social Work. Also on the program was the brother of Fort Worth’s Timothy Cole, who died in prison after being convicted of a rape he didn’t commit. A panel of criminal justice experts concluded the day.

But the event clearly belonged to the former prisoners. Conference organizer Jaimie Page, a UTA professor of social work, first heard a smaller group of exonerees speak at an Innocence Project event in Fort Worth a few years ago. Ever since, she has worked to help them make the transition into life in the free world.

"I’m not an emotional person, but I cried my eyes out," Page said Friday. "It was a life-changing moment, and I hope it will have the same effect on someone in the audience today so we can keep the movement going."

The exonerees greeted one another on stage with hugs and handshakes as they were introduced. Then, in eerily similar terms, they told of being wrongly convicted of crimes including rape and murder and spending up to 27 years behind bars before being freed. Most were exonerated through DNA testing.

"I was in the break room at work, and a woman said my voice sounded like the man who raped her," said Keith Turner, who was sentenced to 20 years for aggravated sexual assault in Dallas and forced to register as a sex offender when he was paroled.

Turner said he contacted a judge to try to clear his name after seeing a television program about DNA evidence.

James Waller, another Dallas resident exonerated in 2007, said he was convicted by a jury in 46 minutes for raping a 14-year-old boy.

"I was the only black man living in the apartments close to where he lived," Waller said. "They said [the assailant] was 5-8. I’m 6-4. They said I was light-complected, but all my people are from Africa.  . . .  If I was innocent, I know there are a whole lot more people like me."

That was a theme. Almost to a person, the exonerees said those liberated so far (245 by DNA testing in the United States since 1989) comprise a fraction of the wrongly convicted.

"Those voices cry out from behind the walls: Help me," said Dallas exoneree Eugene Henton, who was cleared two years ago.

They also praised Dallas District Attorney Craig Watkins, whose office joined the Innocence Project to investigate innocence claims and expedite exonerations. More prisoners have been cleared in Dallas County than in any other U.S. county.

"Dallas has a head start on the rest of the country," said Robinson, who spent a decade in prison and became a lawyer after his exoneration. "Do not let his term pass away. Do not let the voice of reason and justice be silenced because they do not like to look at the faces they tried to throw away."

In the afternoon session, Cory Session dabbed away tears while remembering his older brother, Timothy Cole. Cole was wrongly convicted of raping a woman in Lubbock and died in prison a decade ago. His name was later cleared when another man admitted to the crime. This year, in the Tim Cole Act, the Texas Legislature passed a law boosting payments to the wrongly convicted from $50,000 to $80,000 for every year behind bars.

"Some say of the exonerees, they are millionaires," Session said, with many of the wrongly convicted sitting in the audience. "I say you are heirs to millions who have been wrongly convicted. Millions didn’t make it, but you are one of the lucky ones who did. But there had to be a sacrificial lamb who stepped up by the name of Tim Cole."

The conference came a week after the work of UTA student Natalie Ellis helped exonerate Claude Simmons and Christopher Scott in a Dallas County murder. On Friday, the men thanked Ellis from the stage. Several other exonerees spoke directly to students in the audience.

"Students did most of this," said Steven Phillips, who served 25 years in prison for rape before his exoneration in Dallas last year. "Things like that give us hope."

Source(www.star-telegram.com)

Monday, 26 October 2009

Free Tjostolv Moland and Joshua French


http://www.freemolandandfrench.com

Velkommen!

© Beskyttet av Lov om Åndsverk

Joshua French og Tjostolv Moland ble 8. september 2009 dømt til døden 5 ganger i en kongolesisk militærdomstol. De ble dømt kun på grunnlag av indisier og to vitner som slapp å avlegge ed. Vitnene ble omgjort til ”informanter” av retten, fordi de også krevde erstatning av de to drapsdømte nordmennene. Nordmennene hadde under store deler av rettsaken ingen tolk, og en gang i blant en svært dårlig tolk. De skjønte svært lite av hva som ble sagt. På grunn av dårlig tolkning, forhåndsdømming og tillatelse av uriktig bevisføring, valgte Joshua og Tjostolv å forholde seg tause under rettsaken, som de selv kalte ”en mock trial”.


De to nordmennene ble dømt til døden for:


*Spionasje for Norge,
*drap,
*drapsforsøk,
*dannelse av ett kriminelt forbund,
*væpnet ran.


I tillegg fikk Tjostolv 20 års fengsel for:


*Ulovlig besittelse av våpen.

Rettsaken foregikk over 4 uker, og var en farse. Beviser som ble fremvist var blant annet kart, kompass, turutstyr, ID-kort fra det norske forsvaret, ID-kort fra SIG, bilder av to kvinner, ett bilde av en norsk pressefotograf som peker på ett kart over Afrika, og diverse andre bilder. Også ett bilde hvor Tjostolv vasker blod ut av bilen skal være ett bevis på drap. Den døde sjåføren Abedi Kasongo ble aldri obdusert.


Tjostolv og Joshua har hele tiden forklart at de ble overfalt av røvere/milits den kvelden sjåføren Abedi Kasongo ble drept, og at de to kom seg unna. De ble senere arrestert. En ankesak skal etter planen starte opp den 13. oktober 2009.


Vi i familiene til guttene har ingen tiltro til at denne rettsaken skal bli noe bedre enn den første. Blant annet fordi det ikke er tillatt å komme med nye bevis, som kan vise at de er uskyldige.

Velkommen

Friday, 23 October 2009

Joshua French and Tjostolv Moland



Joshua French and Tjostolv Moland received 5 death sentences each from a military tribunal in DR Congo on September 8. 2009.

They were convicted solely based on circumstational evidence and two witnesses who weren't expected to give their oath. Those witnesses were called "informants" by the military tribunal, simply because they would otherwise not be able to claim reinbursements from the two convicted Norwegians.

The Norwegians did not have any interpreterer for the most part of the trial, however, every now and then, they had an extremely incompetent interpreter.

The Norwegians understood little to nothing from what was being said in court. Because of incompetent interpretation, prejudice, and that the prosecution were allowed to present incorrect a and false evidence before the judges, Joshua French and Tjostolv Moland chose not to say anything at all during this trial, which they both called a "mock trial".

Sunday, 18 October 2009

Rick Perry Can Run, But He Can't Hide: Pressure Builds to Admit Texas Executed An Innocent Man


As the corporate media picks up on the tragic story of Cameron Todd Willingham, Gov. Perry is going to desperate lengths to cover it up.

By now you've probably heard of Cameron Todd Willingham, the Texas man who was executed in 2004 for supposedly setting a fire that killed his three young daughters. His conviction was based on junk science, prejudice, and wild allegations about his homicidal tendencies based on his tattoos (really). The arson investigation that sent Willingham to the death chamber has been thoroughly debunked by no fewer than six arson experts, leading to one inevitable conclusion: Texas killed an innocent man.

Not surprisingly, Texas Governor Pick Perry, who signed off on Willingham's execution despite alarming proof of his innocence, has gone to great length to suppress this story. In the past two weeks, Perry fired four members of the state Forensic Science Commission -- including its chairman -- 48 hours before it was scheduled to hold a critical hearing on the Willingham case. He has appointed a new Commissioner, John Bradley, a district attorney and "one of the state's most notorious tough-on-crime advocates," according to the Texas Observer. The investigation is now stalled until further notice.

Perry's moves reek of desperation, particularly given his upcoming bid for re-election. His top challenger, Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, has seized on the Willingham case, simultaneously using it to discredit her opponent while reaffirming her own pro-death penalty stance. (She accuses Perry of providing "liberals" with ammunition against capital punishment.)

CNN and MSNBC have now picked up on the Willingham case, echoing some of the questions being raised by the local press. "Only the governor knows whether his motives were political, but these recent episodes have produced a pungent smell of politicization," wrote the Fort Worth Star-Telegram this week. "And the odor is nauseating."

Most recently, Perry has gone beyond backroom machinations to publicly restate his own belief in Willingham's guilt. "Willingham was a monster," he told reporters this week. He claims that there is "clear and compelling, overwhelming evidence that he was in fact the murderer of his children," even if their was no proof that the fire that killed them was set on purpose. But as Bob Moser recently wrote, "That makes so sense. if there was no arson, there was no crime, and Willingham was, by definition, innocent."

Rick Perry is running scared. But he can't hide. After signing off on more than 200 executions during his term -- a figure that makes one wonder how he sleeps at night -- it looks like one of them will be coming back to haunt him.

To sign a petition demanding the truth from Texas, go here.

Source(www.alternet.org)

Death penalty foes emboldened by Willingham case

AUSTIN — Regardless of how it ultimately plays out, the roiling controversy over the 2004 execution of Cameron Todd Willingham is already energizing death penalty opponents into a renewed attack on capital punishment in Texas.

Gov. Rick Perry, depicting Willingham as a "monster" who murdered his children in a Christmastime house fire in 1991, says that opponents of the death penalty are using the case as "propaganda" to promote their cause. But advocacy groups that oppose capital punishment say the possibility that Texas may have put an innocent man to death underscores the need to end or seriously restrict the state’s executions.

"It has raised a lot of questions," says Scott Cobb, director of the Texas Moratorium Network. "No matter how things turn out, people are looking at the death penalty in a new light. They’re saying if it could have happened in the Willingham case, it could have happened in other cases."

Texas has a global reputation as the most prolific execution state in the country, having put 441 inmates to death since the U.S. Supreme Court reinstated capital punishment in 1976.

Willingham was No. 320, executed Feb. 17, 2004, after he was found guilty of setting his Corsicana home afire and killing his three daughters — a 1-year-old and 1-year-old twins. Willingham reasserted his claims of innocence in his final statement just before the sentence was carried out.

Perry, as well as investigators and prosecutors, say evidence overwhelmingly supported the jury’s decision, which was affirmed at each step of the appeals process. But several noted arson experts who re-examined the fire investigation say it relied on outmoded concepts and did not support a finding of arson. The Texas Forensic Science Commission opened a review of the arson investigation in 2008, but the inquiry stalled this month after Perry replaced four members of the panel.

Although Texans have traditionally strongly supported the death penalty — surveys generally show a breakdown of about 75 percent for and 25 percent against — Barry Scheck, co-founder of the New York-based Innocence Project, says that Texans are "beginning to think twice" about capital punishment.

Scheck’s organization has led the push for a re-examination of Willingham’s execution and features details of the case on its Web site, including a photograph of Willingham with one of his daughters perched on his shoulders. Scheck said questions raised by the investigation contribute to the "widespread perception that the process of trying these cases has broken down."

Dallas County District Attorney Craig Watkins, whose office has helped obtain exonerations for 20 wrongfully convicted defendants in Dallas County, says "it may be wise for all DAs throughout the state to implement a policy . . . to make sure mistakes weren’t made" in prosecuting capital cases.

In Fort Worth, Tarrant County District Attorney Joe Shannon says he supports the death penalty "in the proper case" but said prosecutors need to ensure that correct procedures are followed and that the evidence is sound. "If you’re going to have the death penalty," he said, "you need to do it right."

Other questionable cases

Cobb says concern over Willingham’s execution could also prompt a re-examination of several other executions in which questions have been raised, either by advocacy groups or newspaper investigations.

One case centers on Ruben Cantu, a teen-age offender who was executed in 1993 for shooting a San Antonio man during an attempted robbery. A two-part investigation by the Houston Chronicle in 2005 concluded that Cantu "was likely telling the truth" when he denied being involved. A key eyewitness who survived being shot in the robbery attempt at first identified Cantu as the assailant but recanted, the newspaper reported.

Questions have also been raised in the 1997 execution of David Spence, convicted of killing three teen-agers in a botched killing-for-hire scheme that became known as the Lake Waco murders. A convenience store manager was also charged and sentenced to death but was acquitted in a new trial. He said repeatedly that neither he nor Spence was connected to the killings. A homicide investigator involved in the case also expressed doubts about Spence’s guilt.

"The problem is that Texas goes so fast and executes so many people," Cobb said. "That creates the environment of making more mistakes."

The Willingham case is also likely to fuel efforts to find new safeguards against wrongful convictions.

The Timothy Cole Advisory Panel on Wrongful Convictions began a yearlong effort last week to develop legislative remedies against false eyewitness identification, fraudulent testimony from snitches and other criminal justice flaws that could land the wrong person behind bars. The panel was created by the 2009 Legislature and named after Tim Cole, a wrongfully convicted inmate from Fort Worth who died in prison and was posthumously exonerated.

Austin battle brewing

Cobb said death penalty opponents are already gearing up for the next session of the Legislature in 2011 with plans to call for a moratorium and a study panel to examine Texas’ death penalty policies. "A lot is going to happen between now and then," he said. "I see radically increased support for a moratorium after the Willingham case."

But law enforcement groups, prosecutors and other death penalty supporters are also expected to marshal their forces to help keep the death penalty in place. Perry and U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, who are battling for the Republican nomination in the 2010 governor’s race, are both ardent death penalty supporters.

"I think the people of Texas believe in the death penalty and believe it’s an appropriate sanction," said state Sen. Kel Seliger, R-Amarillo, vice chairman of the Senate Criminal Justice Committee, which will hold hearings on the forensic commission next month. "But they also believe it should be administered with unerring accuracy."

Charley Wilkison, spokesman for the Combined Law Enforcement Associations of Texas, said the 17,500-member organization will continue to make the case that capital punishment deters murder and helps protect police.

If the death penalty were repealed in Texas, he said, "It would be absolutely an open season on policemen by drug dealers, transnational gangs and other criminals if the consequences were only life in prison with a decent bed, a TV and three squares."

Source(www.star-telegram.com)

If you can't say anything nice...If you can't say anything nice...


Just this evening, the topic came up with my family of what, if anything, I would say about a case long after my representation of a client was over. I was asked to declare whether I believed a particular client had been guilty or innocent. With my own family, I was extremely cagey on some questions and flat-out refused to answer others. My obligation to hold my client's confidences goes to the grave. My grave, not his. And my continuing duty of loyalty, as we call it here in Kansas, goes just as far. I don't think I am prohibited from talking about cases in sort of general ways. But even long after a case is over, I am always mindful that I am that client's advocate above all else.

Then I saw this video. (Hat tip to Mark Bennett at Defending People for posting it first.)

This is the lawyer who represented Cameron Todd Willingham at trial and he's getting a little annoyed that we're all still talking about the doubt that has been cast on Willingham's guilt 5 years after he was executed. David Martin thinks it's "absurd" that we're wasting our time on this obviously guilty guy.

Clearly, David Martin does not come from the same school of criminal defense that I do. I don't care how much I disliked my client, how much I firmly believed in his guilt, or how much my representation was being attacked. I would never, NEVER talk about any of my former clients in this fashion. I would never talk about the (ridiculously simplistic) experiments I had conducted that helped convince me my client was guilty. I would never call efforts to exonerate my client after the fact absurd. I would never let anyone know what little respect I had for my client and our relationship. I would also never think that my job as a trial defense attorney was ONLY to challenge the state's evidence through vigorous cross-examination.

I have nothing nice to say about David Martin after watching this appalling performance, so perhaps I should not say anything at all. Except, I have no duty of loyalty to David Martin. But I do feel a duty of loyalty to my profession. I happen to think that defending people is one of the most noble things you can do. I can go on quite a tear about how we defenders of the constitution are the true patriots and the most noble actors of all in the criminal justice system. I take my job seriously. Very seriously. My clients trust me with their lives, just as Todd Willingham had to trust David Martin. As much as I rail against prosecutors and cops who bend the rules or cut corners, no one offends me more than the defense attorney who does not live up to my high ideals for the profession. From what I've seen in this video, David Martin is the kind of defense attorney I don't ever want to be.

Oh, and I don't think he helped persuade me that Willingham got such a fair trial. If that was the attitude of the guy assigned to defend Willingham, I have to wonder whether Willingham really got the sort of trial advocacy he deserved. Maybe a defense attorney who wasn't so sure the guy was guilty might have gone looking to find some experts who would counter the bad arson evidence that was produced by the state.

Source(rantsofapublicdefender.blogspot.com)

Never Smear Your Own Client, Not Even In Death


My initial reaction was "why?" Why would he do this? Why would he say this? Of the many things that have passed my consciousness over the years, few are as inexplicable as this. Like anyone else, it caused me to strain to find an answer, but nothing came.

I'm talking about the interview by Anderson Cooper of David Martin, the attorney who tried the Cameron Todd Willingham case, which Mark Bennett posted at Defending People. Given the intense pressure that arose from the overwhelming post mortem evidence that Willingham was innocent, coupled with the additional pressure arising from Texas Governor Rick Perry's scuttling of the his Forensic Science Commission's personnel on the eve of its hearings, there was certainly an abundance of interest in what happened at trial.

But as far as I've heard, no one has suggested that it was Martin's fault that Willingham was convicted and sentenced to death. Maybe I'm not close enough to the local scuttlebutt to know what's being whispered around the ranch, but no one has openly challenged Martin as a flaming incompetent, personally responsible for the death of a human being.

So why would Martin do this?

Let's assume, for the sake of argument, that Martin has no grossly improper motive, like he's been promised a judgeship by Perry if he does everything in his power to undermine the evidence of Willingham's innocence. If Martin truly believes what he's saying to be true, his statements are the most irresponsible, unethical, improper I have ever heard from the mouth of a criminal defense lawyer. Outrageously wrong. Utterly disgraceful.

He may not be tainted by the fact of Willingham's conviction, but he should be forever tainted by his overt effort to argue the guilt of his client. Worst still, if that's possible, is his apparent use of confidential information to bolster his claim. Willingham may be dead, but his privileged communications are buried with him. They aren't Martin's to reveal at his convenience.

Mom's old adage, if you have nothing nice to say, say nothing at all, applies. Martin is under no duty to come forward to argue Willingham's innocence, especially if he doesn't believe it to be true. But under no circumstances should he come forward to argue Willingham's guilt. Don't want to argue innocence? Fine, then stay on the ranch and off TV. Keep your mouth shut and say nothing. That's a perfectly reasonable thing to do.

Bennett ponders whether Martin was enjoying his 15 minutes of fame, his opportunity to go on Anderson Cooper and be the Big Man. It's clear from the interview that Martin is inadept at television interviews, given his slow, long-winded, pedantic speech pattern, refusal to give the floor to the host and background muttering of "this is absurd." That would explain why Martin, with nothing good to say about his client, agreed to go on air, but it offers no explanation for his egregious breach of trust.

There is no ethical duty of perpetual loyalty to one's client. A lawyer need not argue the client's innocence after his representation has ended. But that doesn't mean that the alternative is to smear his client, to argue his guilt, to expose his confidences, either. If Martin so desperately wanted his moment in the sun, then his options were limited to speaking in his client's best interest or discussing issues surrounding the present circumstances. There was no option of exposing communications, investigations, thoughts that existed solely within the defense. Martin had no right to offer that up in exchange for the opportunity to go on TV in his Texas rancher hat and tout himself at the expense of his client.

If I was forced to explain Martin, the best I could offer is that he now fears that Willingham's death is on his shoulders for his failure as a lawyer to have adequately represented his client. Even though the fingers aren't point at him, he believes in the back of his mind that he failed miserably. Perhaps he anticipates that eventually the fingers will come around to him, point at him, blame him, for his incompetence. Perhaps he knows something we don't, that there's good reason for the fingers to point at him. Perhaps he is responsible for the death of Cameron Todd Willingham. This is merely his pre-emptive way of deflecting responsibility.

Even now, Martin's description of the "scientific method" the defense team used to determine the accuracy of the arson claim rings ridiculous. They bought lighter fluid, burned a carpet, and it looked just like the carpet in Willingham's home? That's what he claims is proof that his client was guilty? Now that's absurd.

While no one can make a criminal defense lawyer believe in the innocence of his client, or chose to argue it after his representation has ended, he can be taken to task for doing the unthinkable, the outrageous and the facially wrong. David Martin's comments are a disgrace of the lowest order. And, for good measure, just as criminal defense lawyers aren't expected to believe in the innocence of every client, they similarly aren't endowed with the superhuman ability to know when a person who professes innocence is in fact guilty.

I may lack an explanation for what drove David Martin to condemn his own client publicly, particularly in the face of overwhelming evidence of innocence, but I have no doubt that his statements on Anderson Cooper 360 are some of the most despicable I've ever heard from the mouth of a lawyer. Never, but never, smear your own client.

Source(blog.simplejustice.us)

Friday, 16 October 2009

A juror’s doubts


It all started in 1991 just days before Christmas in the small town of Corsicana, Texas.

Cameron Todd Willingham was home alone with his three little girls when the house caught on fire. All three children died and Willingham got out with just some minor burns. He was convicted of “arson homicide” and sentenced to death for setting the fire while his wife was out shopping for Christmas presents.

I’ve covered this case for years now for AC360° and there are still so many unanswered questions.

Top of the list: “Was an innocent man executed?” And now, is Texas Governor Rick Perry trying to cover up evidence that would show he was innocent? Willingham died by lethal injection February 17, 2004, after Texas Governor Rick Perry refused to grant him a stay even though new evidence had come to light that the fire was not arson! Mr. Perry is now in a heated re-election campaign.

Willingham’s stepmother, Eugena Willingham, told me she visited her son on death row every six weeks for 12 years. She always believed in her son’s innocence. I remember discussing the case over iced tea and homemade cookies in her Ardmore, Oklahoma home. She’s a sweet woman with a Texas-sized heart.

We sat in her kitchen a couple years ago, when I first interviewed her for a story on AC360°, and she showed me the family photo album. So many pictures of her son Todd and her granddaughters. She told me, “Todd called them his babies.” She spread his ashes over their graves.

For weeks, Governor Perry has been facing criticism for suddenly removing four members of a state commission which had set out to determine once and for all if Todd Willingham was innocent when he died.

This replacement of four members of the commission that had already been working on the case means the state’s work on the case is delayed, and maybe even derailed for good. The findings were supposed to be released just weeks before the Texas Republican Primary vote.

One person watching this case with eyes wide open now is Dorenda Lynn Brokofsky. She was on the jury in the Willingham arson trial back in 1992 and she told me today, she hasn’t slept very much since. All these years later, Brokofsky wonders if Willingham was innocent, even though she decided along with the others at the time that he was guilty.

We spoke by phone from her home in the midwest, where she moved after leaving Corsicana, where the fire took place. She dropped a couple of bombshells that left many of us here at AC360° shaking our heads.

She told me, “My dad was a fire marshall for eight years in Corsicana.” He wasn’t the fire marshall at the time of the Willingham fire, but she had a connection. And get this, she said her family was “good friends” with Douglas Fogg. Fogg was the deputy fire marshall and a key witness in the case. Fogg’s determination that the fire was arson really helped send Willingham to death row.

I interviewed Douglas Fogg years ago about this case and he told me he still stands by his findings and believes Willingham set the fire. I asked him if he’s at all concerned he may have sent an innocent man to his death? He said, simply, “No.”

But back to the juror who knew Investigator Fogg. How could prosecutors, the judge, and even the defense, let a woman on the jury who was “good friends” with a key witness for the prosecution and the deputy investigator? Wouldn’t that be a mistrial? Too late for Todd Willingham now, but the juror told me, “I told them I knew Mr. Fogg but they didn’t care.”

To this day, Brokofsky isn’t sure Willingham was guilty. “When you’re sitting there with all those facts, there was nothing else we could see. Now I don’t know. I can’t tell you he’s innocent, I can’t say 100 percent he’s guilty,” Dorenda said.

“I don’t sleep at night because of a lot of this,” she told me. “I have gone back and forth in my mind trying to think of anything that we missed. I don’t like the fact that years later someone is saying maybe we made a mistake. That the facts aren’t what they could’ve been.”

Brokofsky said, “I’ve got to stand in front of my God one day and explain what I did.”

To be fair, Todd Willingham wasn’t perfect. He had a history and was known around town for domestic disputes with his wife. Texas Governor Rick Perry, who has always said there was “overwhelming” evidence Willingham was guilty, just yesterday called him a “monster” and said he had tried to beat his wife into having an abortion, suggesting Willingham did not want the children. Willingham’s stepmother told me they did fight, but she “never saw any bruises on his wife.”

When I told the juror that arson science has changed over the years and that at least half a dozen arson experts now say the fire was not arson and not intentionally set, Brokofsky got so upset she had to get off the phone. She said she needed some time to “process this.”

Imagine, wondering all your life, if you sent an innocent man to the death chamber?

Source(ac360.blogs.cnn.com)

AC360 10/14/09 Keeping Them Honest



Death Penalty Coverup
See the video here :



Source(www.youtube.com)

AC360 10/15/09 Keeping Them Honest



Todd Willingham's Defense Lawyer Embarrasses Texas Justice System on National TV;
See the video from Anderson Cooper . Klick on the heading.


Source(www.youtube.com)

Thursday, 15 October 2009

Pictures of Juan Melendez’s Visit to Tallahassee


Here are some pictures of Juan Melendez, the 99th death-row exoneree in the United States, when he returned to Florida last week for a screening of his documentary, Juan Melendez-6446:

The first two photos are during Juan’s riveting presentation after the film and the third is me presenting Juan with some tokens of our appreciation for him coming all the way in from New Mexico, on short notice, to show us his movie and discuss how he feels about the death penalty. Also, Florida Public Radio has a great piece on his visit that you can listen to here.

Source(floridainnocence.org)

MSNBC Rachel Maddow Show on Todd Willingham and Rick Perry's Cover Up


Click on the heading to see the video.










Source(www.youtube.com)

Gov. Rick Perry’s changes at forensic commission raise eyebrows


Gov. Rick Perry’s hatchet has fallen once again on what was a little-known state commission created to ensure the credibility of forensic science used in criminal investigations.

The governor has now replaced all four of his appointees, including the chairman, to the nine-member Texas Forensic Science Commission. His actions came as the commission was investigating its highest-profile case, involving the possibility that an innocent man was executed in 2004.

Because of the reshuffling of members, an Oct. 2 meeting of the commission, at which it planned to hear from an arson expert, was indefinitely postponed.

The out-of-state expert had prepared a report that said the forensic evidence in the case of Cameron Todd Willingham, accused of murdering his three daughters in a fire, was faulty and that the blaze that killed the children was not a result of arson.

Just two days before the scheduled meeting, the governor began his purge, informing three members that their services were no longer needed. Last week he dismissed his fourth appointee, leaving many to wonder if his sudden moves were politically motivated because he had signed off on the Willingham execution five years ago — and he has a tough primary race coming up in March.

Perry has said that all the dismissals were routine, as each member’s term had expired. Although he had been encouraged by others not to make changes at this juncture, the governor saw the need to move swiftly in replacing members.

The former chairman of the commission, Austin attorney Samuel Bassett, told the Chicago Tribune that top members of the governor’s legal staff had injected themselves into the commission’s work and had applied pressure regarding the Willingham investigation, which the governor’s office did not regard as a priority. He said the investigation’s cost and the fact that the expert was not from Texas were also issues.

Bassett said there was the implication that the commission’s funding was in jeopardy, and the general counsel’s office began sending a representative to all the commission meetings.

There was apparently some concern on the part of the governor’s aides that the Forensic Science Commission had overstepped its bounds in taking on the Willingham investigation. In a case where a man is put to death based largely on forensic evidence, one would think this is exactly the kind of issue that would be part of the commission’s purview.

The Senate Criminal Justice Committee, which includes three members who pushed for legislation to create the commission, has rightly set a hearing next month to explore the commission’s plans and processes.

The newly appointed commission chairman has been invited to appear, and the senators should make it irrefutably clear that the Willingham case must not be shelved or unduly delayed.

Only the governor knows whether his motives were political, but these recent episodes have produced a pungent smell of politicization.

And the odor is nauseating.

Source(www.star-telegram.com)

Man's conviction set aside in 1993 shooting death


Edwin Chandler wept while holding Maguerite Thomas' hand after Circuit Judge Fred Cowan told Chandler he was a free man after the judge vacated the manslaughter and robbery charges against him in a 1993 slaying and robbery case. Thomas is the director of the Kentucky Innocence Project. Chandler spent nine years in prison before being paroled. (By Matt Stone, The Courier-Journal) Oct. 13, 2009

For 16 years, Edwin Chandler faithfully believed the day would come when everyone would know he wasn't the man who shot Brenda Whitfield in the head during a 1993 robbery at the Chevron station where she worked.

That day finally arrived Tuesday, when Jefferson Circuit Judge Fred Cowan vacated the manslaughter and robbery charges against Chandler after prosecutors and police announced they had convicted the wrong man.

“All I can do at this point is apologize to you on behalf of the criminal justice system,” Cowan said. “You are a free man. God bless you, sir.”

Though they were the words Chandler always hoped for, to hear them out loud in a Louisville courtroom nearly overwhelmed him. He crumpled on the table next to his attorney, his body wracked with sobs of relief.

“This is like a big, old dream,” Chandler said in an interview later, as he prepared to celebrate his son's first birthday. “It's like I'm waking up from a dream.”

His conviction for manslaughter and robbery in Whitfield's death was vacated just hours after a Jefferson County grand jury indicted 45-year-old repeat offender Percy Phillips for her death. Phillips is already serving a 20-year sentence for assault.

Tuesday's news reopened an old wound for Whitfield's family, who had thought they had put the trial behind them long ago.

“Now I have to go through the whole thing again,” said Keith Whitfield, who had been married to the victim for three years before she was killed. The couple had a 2-year-old son, Keith Jr., and Brenda had a 4-year-old son, Cory, from a previous relationship.

Keith Whitfield met Chandler on Tuesday afternoon for the first time since Chandler's trial and spoke with him privately for an hour before talking with reporters.

“I'm sorry he had to go through it,” Whitfield said. “I'm just glad he's able to get his life back, whatever he can get back.”

Prosecutor surprised

When Steve Schroering prosecuted Chandler in 1995, he said he had no doubt that the right man went to prison.

“It was never a case I had second thoughts about until this morning” when Commonwealth's Attorney Dave Stengel called to tell him the conviction was being set aside.

After all, a store video camera captured the crime and an eyewitness tentatively identified Chandler. Fingerprints, a knit cap and sunglasses were found at the scene. And Chandler made a taped confession to detectives, admitting to the robbery and saying the shooting was accidental.

But the fingerprints didn't match Chandler's, the owner of the cap and sunglasses was uncertain, and Chandler said he falsely confessed, coerced by police scare tactics and coaching.

Chandler said then-Detective Mark Handy told Chandler he believed he was lying and threatened to charge his sister and girlfriend with harboring a fugitive if he didn't tell the truth.

“Having to explain yourself to someone who doesn't believe you, it's kind of like bumping your head against the wall,” Chandler said Tuesday. “I thought if I tell them what they want to know, they'll leave me alone.”

Handy, now with the Jefferson County Sheriff's Department, said he was surprised that Chandler was exonerated.

“Having interviewed the guy … I just can't imagine that he was not involved,” said Handy, who defended his interrogation tactics. “It never crossed my mind that he didn't do it.”

Witness overlooked

Whitfield was shot in the head on Sept. 28, 1993, just 15 minutes before her shift was to end.

A man walked into the store, grabbed a bottle of beer from the cooler and walked up to check out. When Whitfield rang up the 99-cent bottle, the cash drawer opened and the man shot her in the head.

He grabbed $32 from the till and fled.

Chandler said he was a few blocks away, watching a movie with his girlfriend. He remembers seeing a swarm of police cars but didn't know what had happened.

Police focused on Chandler after a witness identified him near the scene, and he already was wanted on a jail-escape charge.

Even as his trial approached, Chandler believed that the evidence would show that he hadn't committed the crime.

But Chandler's jurors never heard some of the information that could have helped acquit him.

They never heard from John Gray, who was pumping gasoline when the shooting occurred. Gray left his name with a county officer at the scene, but it was never passed on to the city officers investigating the case.

Even after a jury convicted Chandler, Gray tried to tell police that they had the wrong man —calling the station and writing a letter to detectives.

In 1996, Gray was serving time in prison with Chandler and told him he saw the shooter and his name was Percy.

In 2002, Chandler approached the Kentucky Innocence Project, which investigates potentially wrongful convictions. They took up his case in 2004, even though he had already been paroled.

Marguerite Thomas, director of the Kentucky Innocence Project, said it was the first time the project has taken on a case in which a defendant had already been released from prison.

“It was so incredibly shocking that he was convicted at all,” she said.

Thomas said there were many roadblocks as they worked to exonerate Chandler. They struggled to get information from Louisville police. They were told physical evidence had disappeared.

But in October 2008, Sgt. Denny Butler, who works Louisville Metro Police's cold case homicides, took on the case and retested the fingerprint on the bottle of beer left on the counter. This time, the more advanced automated fingerprinting system matched the print to Phillips.

No new trial?

It's unclear whether Phillips will ever stand trial for Whitfield's murder.

Phillips, who made headlines recently after a courtroom outburst prompted deputies to user a Taser on him, was recently found not competent to stand trial. A judge ruled that Phillips was unlikely to become competent in the foreseeable future.

Jay Lambert, Phillips' attorney, said he has not received Tuesday's indictment and could not comment on the new charges. Phillips had a 2002 murder and robbery charge dismissed for lack of evidence.

Chandler said he wants to see the man who shot Whitfield prosecuted and held responsible for the crime that cost him nine years behind bars.

Still, Chandler doesn't want to waste time being bitter about the years he's lost.

“Even though I've been through a lot, I know I'm still blessed,” Chandler said. “I'd like for someone to miraculously go back, give me my nine years back. I can't get back what's been taken from me.”

Source(www.courier-journal.com)


Monday, 12 October 2009

Death penalty opponents tour Virginia


CHARLOTTESVILLE, Va. - A man who spent 13 years on death row only to be exonerated hours before his scheduled execution is sharing his story.

Shabaka WaQlimi will speak against the death penalty in Virginia as part of a statewide tour this week. He was convicted of rape and murder based on the testimony of a man who later admitted he lied.

Members of Virginians for Alternatives to the Death Penalty and Witness to Innocence are making stops in Charlottesville, Lynchburg, Harrisonburg, Arlington and Winchester.

Besides WaQlimi's story, Beth Panilaitis will discuss Virginia's death penalty laws. She is the executive director of Virginians for Alternatives to the Death Penalty.

Both speakers will answer questions afterward.

The events are free and open to the public.

Source(www.wtkr.com)

Better late than never, DNA lets innocent people reclaim liberty


THERE have been 244 "exonerees" since the creation of the Innocence Project in the United States 17 years ago. Exoneree is an unwieldy but precise term invented within the Innocence Project to describe the prisoners it has helped to release not on ambiguous technical grounds of mistrial but because examination of the DNA evidence from the crime scene established that they didn't do it. They were innocent of the crimes they were jailed for.
Seventeen of the 244 had served time on death row. They would have been executed for crimes they did not commit. Most others had sentences measured in decades.

The Innocence Project was founded by Barry Scheck and co-director Peter Neufield. Scheck is best known in this country for his part in the 1995 OJ Simpson defence team and later as defence lawyer for the British nanny Louise Woodward.

Scheck and Neufield wanted to apply the still relatively new science of DNA profiling as its inventor, Professor Alex Jeffreys, originally envisaged – as proof of innocence. The assumption among the public and prosecutors of the world had quickly become that DNA evidence was a failsafe tool for securing convictions.

The first raft of cases on the Innocence Project books involved people – almost entirely men – whose convictions predated the arrival of DNA profiling.

But in their rather austere offices downtown on New York City's 5th Avenue, the banks of filing cabinets contain hundreds more active cases in which available DNA evidence was ignored, or wrongly analysed. Exoneree number 245 is likely to be one Ernest Sonnier, who was freed on bond in August after 23 years in Texas prisons for a rape he didn't commit. DNA testing eventually proved Sonnier's innocence of the attack on Christmas Eve 1985 and implicated two other men.

His conviction had preceded the invention of DNA profiling and had been based on identification from photographs by the victim and by evidence from the scientist who examined blood-group evidence and who gave testimony that implicated Sonnier, even though his own written report tended to exclude him as the assailant.

Stephen Saloom, policy director of the project, says misidentification is a factor in a high proportion of wrongful convictions and in particular rape and sexual assault cases. Although all participants in the criminal justice process agree that eye-witness testimony is the least reliable evidence, it remains so often the clinching moment in the theatre of a trial. A woman who was undoubtedly raped points to the accused in the dock and says it was him. How difficult it must be for a jury not to convict. But in dozens of the Innocence Project cases, she was wrong. Honest, but wrong.

Misidentification is most common when the victim and accused are from different races. In the project's most recent newsletter, Saloom lists the other common causes of wrongful conviction.

They include inadequate forensic scientific analysis. It is extraordinary to discover that, in the land of CSI, there are no basic general standards of validation for forensic examiners. The threshold in some counties is very low. In a number of wrongful conviction cases, forensic scientists have actively engaged in misconduct.

About a third of cases involved false confessions by young or mentally suggestible accused. Audio and DVD recording of police interviews is required throughout Scotland but is still patchy across the US.

About 16 per cent of cases involved "snitch testimony", in which other prisoners – and sometimes the actual perpetrator – had given statements that incriminated the accused in return for deals, special treatment or the dropping of charges.

In the meantime, how have the 244 exonerees fared after their campaign for release has at last succeeded and the prison doors have closed behind them? "Mixed," say Angela Amel and Karen Wolff, the two- person social work team charged with easing the transition back to life outside.

"There is very little in the way of support services for any ex-prisoner on release in most states," says Wolff. "Bizarrely, if you are released because you turned out to have been wrongly imprisoned then you may not be eligible for what little there is. That will be linked to parole conditions and our guys aren't on parole."

Wolff is a lawyer turned social worker. Amel is a career social worker, previously employed on a youth homelessness project in New York City. "There were more 'f*** yous' than 'thank yous' in that job compared to this," she says. "I guess our guys had to be perseverers in jail to stick with their campaign for release for year after year. So they understand they have to persevere again when they get out, usually with just the clothes they stand up in."

More than half the American states have no system of compensation for wrongful convictions. The others grind extremely slowly. "An exoneree needs support the day he gets out," says Wolff. "Three years later is too late."

Their first task is to give the exoneree an identity. "With no bank account or driving licence or credit record for 20 years, they are invisible to day-to-day society."

The Innocence Project now boasts a panel of celebrity supporters, and prolific author John Grisham is on the board of directors. His "faction", The Innocent Man, told the story from wrongful conviction to derelict death of exoneree No 59, Ron Williamson.

Optimists might have hoped the project would be beginning to run out of cases to investigate after 17 years.

Alas not, according to Scheck. "When we founded the project, our intention was to exonerate as many innocent people from prison as possible, identify the causes of those wrongful convictions, and use them to reform the criminal justice system.

"DNA exonerations are just the tip of the iceberg of issues within our system. Over the past two decades, the exonerations we have secured have led to sweeping reforms in how line-ups and interrogations are conducted, how evidence is collected, and how our system of justice handles claims of innocence.

"We still have a great deal of work to do, but we've made more progress already than anyone thought possible."

Source(news.scotsman.com)

Is Rick Perry Hiding Smoking Gun in Todd Willingham Case?


According to an article in today's Houston Chronicle, Texas Governor Rick Perry is refusing to release documents that could show whether or not he considered or even read the information sent to him on the day of the execution of Todd Willingham informing him that there was new evidence casting doubt on Willingham's guilt and raising the question of whether Texas was about to execute an innocent man.

We must put pressure on Perry to release all information dealing with the Willingham execution. Rick Perry is continuing to hide information and cover up whether Texas executed an innocent person.

The same information that Perry is now refusing to release has been released before. In 2003, there was an article by Alan Berlow in The Atlantic ("Texas Clemency Memos") that discussed and contained copies of execution day memos sent to Governor George W Bush from his staff, including many written by his legal counsel Alberto Gonzales. According to Berlow:

Gonzales never intended his summaries to be made public. Almost all are marked CONFIDENTIAL and state, "The privileges claimed include, but are not limited to, claims of Attorney-Client Privilege, Attorney Work-Product Privilege, and the Internal Memorandum exception to the Texas Public Information Act." I obtained the summaries and related documents, which have never been published, after the Texas attorney general ruled that they were not exempt from the disclosure requirements of the Public Information Act.

Call Perry's office at 512 463 1782 and demand that he release all information.

Sent him an email through his website here.

Sign the petition to Governor Rick Perry and the State of Texas to acknowledge that the fire in the Cameron Todd Willingham case was not arson, therefore no crime was committed and on February 17, 2004, Texas executed an innocent man.

Excerpt from the Chronicle:

In a letter sent Feb. 14, three days before Willingham was scheduled to die, Perry had been asked to postpone the execution. The condemned man's attorney argued that the newly obtained expert evidence showed Willingham had not set the house fire that killed his daughters, 2-year-old Amber and 1-year-old twins Karmon and Kameron, two days before Christmas in 1991.

On Feb. 17, the day of the execution, Perry's office got the five-page faxed report at 4:52 p.m., according to documents the Houston Chronicle obtained in response to a public records request.

But it's unclear from the records whether he read it that day. Perry's office has declined to release any of his or his staff's comments or analysis of the reprieve request.

A statement from Perry spokesman Chris Cutrone, sent to the Chronicle late Friday, said that “given the brevity of (the) report and the general counsel's familiarity with all the other facts in the case, there was ample time for the general counsel to read and analyze the report and to brief the governor on its content.”

A few minutes after 5 p.m., defense lawyer Walter M. Reaves Jr. said he received word that the governor would not intervene. At 6:20 p.m. Willingham was executed after declaring: “I am an innocent man, convicted of a crime I did not commit.”

Summaries of gubernatorial reviews of execution cases previously were released as public records in Texas, most recently under former Gov. George W. Bush. Yet Perry's office has taken the position that any documents showing his own review and staff discussion of the Willingham case are not public — a claim the Chronicle disputes.

Plan to attend the 10th Annual March to Abolish the Death Penalty on October 24 in Austin at the Texas Capitol. We plan to deliver the petition that day. Members of Todd Willingham's family are expected to attend the march and rally.

Todd Willingham was executed for arson/murder on February 17, 2004. He professed his innocence from his arrest until he was strapped down on the execution gurney. Now, we know for certain that he was telling the truth. On August 25, 2009, Dr Craig Beyler, the investigator hired by the Texas Forensic Science Commission to review the Willingham case, released his report in which he found that “a finding of arson could not be sustained” by a scientific analysis (Read the report here). He concluded that the fire in the Willingham case was accidental and not arson. In fact, there was no arson, so there was no crime. Texas executed an innocent person. The proven execution of an innocent person should mean the end of the death penalty in the United States.

Send Perry an email by filling out the email form on his website.

You can also send Perry a letter in the postal mail to the mailing address:

Office of the Governor
P.O. Box 12428
Austin, Texas 78711-2428

You can also call him on the phone and leave him a message:

Information and Referral Hotline [for Texas callers] :
(800) 843-5789

Citizen’s Opinion Hotline [for Texas callers] :
(800) 252-9600

Information and Referral and Opinion Hotline [for Austin, Texas and out-of-state callers] :
(512) 463-1782

Office of the Governor Main Switchboard [office hours are 8:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. CST] :
(512) 463-2000

Citizen’s Assistance Telecommunications Device
If you are using a telecommunication device for the deaf (TDD),
call 711 to reach Relay Texas

Office of the Governor Fax:
(512) 463-1849

Source(www.dailykos.com)

Sunday, 11 October 2009

Ex-prosecutor Robert Carney draws scrutiny over disputed murder cases


Broward Circuit Judge Robert Carney looking through the window of the door to his courtrom. As a prosecutor, he has been involved in a number of case that have been overturned or put in question. (Mike Stocker, S-S / September 17, 2009)

For five years, Robert Carney, a Vietnam-era Marine, represented the people of Broward County in murder cases, a prosecutor's gravest responsibility. It was his duty to bring killers to account, to seek justice and the truth in cases where the defendant faced life in prison or the ultimate penalty — execution.

A brainy, aggressive prosecutor, Carney became known around the courthouse for his ability to look jurors in the eye and deliver his closing arguments without notes. He was later appointed to a judgeship, a position he announced in August he will retire from at the end of this year.

As Carney, 62, spends his final months in judicial robes, though, hard questions have arisen about his role in four murder cases from the 1980s.

Those cases were thrown out on appeal, disproved by DNA evidence or have become marred by serious doubt that justice was truly done.

"The public should absolutely be concerned any time you have one person involved in a single wrongful conviction," said Seth Miller, executive director of the Innocence Project of Florida, a Tallahassee-based organization that investigates claims of innocence.

"When someone has been involved with four wrongful convictions, it is something that deserves further scrutiny," Miller said.

As a homicide prosecutor, Carney played a major part in three Broward murder cases — against John Purvis, Anthony Caravella and Christopher Clugston — that were thrown out by appeals courts or in which the validity of the convictions has been greatly undermined. He also played a lesser role in one of Florida's most notorious wrongful convictions, that of Frank Lee Smith.

Carney declined to be interviewed by the Sun Sentinel in person or by phone for this story, but agreed to make some comments by e-mail. He declined to discuss details of the cases.

"It is easy to sit as a Monday morning quarterback and judge from a perspective 25 years later with information unknown at the time of prosecution," Carney wrote.

Two of the cases involve unconnected murders committed days apart in November 1983, in Miramar and Fort Lauderdale. Both were assigned to Carney, who won swift convictions of Purvis and Caravella.

One of those long-ago convictions is now back in the news. Caravella was released from prison Sept. 10 after DNA tests cast doubt on his guilt. More testing is being done that could lead to his exoneration.

Both prosecutions were built on the shaky foundations of incriminating confessions. Purvis was schizophrenic, with the mental capacity of an 8-year-old. Caravella was 15 and had an IQ of 67. In both instances, Carney sought the death penalty but jurors voted for life in prison.

Questions have arisen in the two cases about whether Carney should have turned over evidence to the defense that might have set off alarms about the reliability of the confessions and the strength of the state's case.

Purvis' conviction took nearly 10 years to fall apart; Caravella's may be unraveling 26 years later.

Carney said two juries were convinced of both men's guilt.

"Twelve people unanimously, in both cases attributable to me, found there was no reasonable doubt. That is how the system works," Carney wrote. "The 'new' evidence came to light long after trial and could not have been reasonably known before trial. In Caravella, the [DNA] science was not available in 1983," he wrote.

Prosecutors play a key role in the justice system, Carney said, but are not the only players. Judges monitored his conduct; each accused man had an attorney; juries indicted and later convicted both defendants; and appeals courts initially upheld the convictions, he said.

"Yet in spite of these safeguards, the system is not perfect and, on occasion, there is a bad result," Carney wrote. "When it happens it is a stark reminder to all of us of the gravity of what we do. If an innocent person serves time for a crime he or she did not commit, this is a terrible thing and is felt deeply by all who are involved in the process."

Some of the defense attorneys involved in the four murder cases said that they lay more of the blame for what has happened on police — who initially targeted the suspects and interrogated them — than on Carney.

Carolyn McCann, the prosecutor who is handling the Caravella appeal and is familiar with some of the other cases, said Carney is an honorable person.

Broward prosecutors have worked to correct any issues in cases he handled, as well as others, as soon as problems became known, she said.

"I don't believe any prosecutor, including Rob Carney, would ever want to convict an innocent person," McCann said. If Caravella is exonerated, Steven Drizin, a law professor with the Center on Wrongful Convictions at Northwestern University, said there should be an independent investigation of every aspect of the case.

"It's way too early to focus blame on a single [person in the justice system]," Drizin said. "Often these cases are a total system meltdown beginning with the police, moving on to the prosecutor and defense attorney and ultimately to the judiciary and the jury."

Drizin added: "What is striking to me is we're talking about a death penalty case against a 15-year-old. You'd think every effort would have been made to ensure it was being done right."

Carney was a Broward prosecutor for nine years and has spent 24 years on the bench. Once dubbed "the jumping judge" because of his love of sky diving, he is regarded as intelligent and organized. He was known as one of the county's top prosecutors, tough but persuasive, and with evident ambitions to earn a black robe. His record as a prosecutor is still being assessed.

Ed McGee, who was a prosecutor with Carney in the 1970s, later defended a homicide case Carney prosecuted, and has represented clients before him as a judge. He said Carney is a "straight shooter" and "takes his job very seriously and does it very, very, very well."

Source(www.sun-sentinel.com)

Perry's office quiet on expert's arson report


Just 88 minutes before the February 2004 execution of Cameron Todd Willingham, Gov. Rick Perry's office received by fax a crucial arson expert's opinion that later ignited a political firestorm over whether Texas, on Perry's watch, used botched forensic evidence to send a man to his death.

In a letter sent Feb. 14, three days before Willingham was scheduled to die, Perry had been asked to postpone the execution. The condemned man's attorney argued that the newly obtained expert evidence showed Willingham had not set the house fire that killed his daughters, 2-year-old Amber and 1-year-old twins Karmon and Kameron, two days before Christmas in 1991.

On Feb. 17, the day of the execution, Perry's office got the five-page faxed report at 4:52 p.m., according to documents the Houston Chronicle obtained in response to a public records request.

But it's unclear from the records whether he read it that day. Perry's office has declined to release any of his or his staff's comments or analysis of the reprieve request.

A statement from Perry spokesman Chris Cutrone, sent to the Chronicle late Friday, said that “given the brevity of (the) report and the general counsel's familiarity with all the other facts in the case, there was ample time for the general counsel to read and analyze the report and to brief the governor on its content.”

A few minutes after 5 p.m., defense lawyer Walter M. Reaves Jr. said he received word that the governor would not intervene. At 6:20 p.m. Willingham was executed after declaring: “I am an innocent man, convicted of a crime I did not commit.”

Summaries of gubernatorial reviews of execution cases previously were released as public records in Texas, most recently under former Gov. George W. Bush. Yet Perry's office has taken the position that any documents showing his own review and staff discussion of the Willingham case are not public — a claim the Chronicle disputes.

Discredited techniques

Without those records, the question of how much — or how little — Perry considered the newly obtained evidence in his decision to proceed with execution will remain forever a state secret.

Perry has presided over more than 200 executions during his time as governor; Willingham was one of three people put to death in February 2004 alone.

Reaves first alerted Perry about the new arson analysis three days before the execution and requested more time to develop it.

“There is nothing more I would like than to be able to present you with evidence of actual innocence,” Reaves wrote Perry, according to a document released to the Chronicle. “I think we are close … The death penalty whether you agree with it or not, should be reserved for the most serious crimes. More importantly, it should be reserved for those crimes about which there is no doubt about the guilt of the person.”

By execution day, Perry was Willingham's last chance. The 5th Circuit Court of Appeals had rejected a reprieve, calling the arson expert's report “no more than an opinion.”

Willingham, then a 23-year-old unemployed mechanic and father of three, claimed to have been asleep on the morning his house in Corsicana, just south of Dallas, caught fire on Dec. 23, 1991. Willingham escaped with burns, but his three tiny daughters died. A profane man with a history of minor offenses in his native Oklahoma, the grieving father quickly became the target of a capital murder investigation based on the finding of arson, a history of beating his wife even while pregnant and other bizarre behavior.

At trial, prosecutors argued that Willingham had deliberately trapped his children inside a burning house to free up time to play darts and drink beer. Willingham repeatedly professed his innocence and refused the offer of a life sentence.

His 2004 execution gained renewed prominence this year after the newly formed Texas Forensic Science Commission, created by the Legislature to explore and fix forensic flaws, released a report that criticized the arson evidence. Two days before the panel was to review that report, Perry abruptly replaced three members, including the chairman, and the meeting was canceled. The governor also attacked the report, according to other media reports.

Yet the 2009 report was only the latest in a string of expert opinions that suggested arson investigators had relied on outdated and discredited techniques in the Willingham case.

Similar flaws found

The five-page opinion faxed to Perry's office on Willingham's execution day in 2004 was the first. It said investigators made “major errors” and relied on discredited techniques akin to an “old wives tale.”

It was authored by Dr. Gerald Hurst, an Austin-based arson expert who holds a doctorate in chemistry from Cambridge University.

By 2004, Hurst already had received national media coverage for helping to obtain a string of high-profile exonerations by debunking arson evidence in other criminal cases. Hurst said in an interview that his previous analysis of flaws in another Texas arson-murder case had helped prompt the Board of Pardons and Paroles in 1998 to free a woman convicted of setting a fire that killed her infant son. She had served six years of a 99-year sentence.

Opposing lawyers concur

The dispute over the arson evidence in Willingham's case likely would have died with him. But six months after the execution, Hurst was hired to review the evidence in another death row arson case. By October 2004, Ernest Willis was freed after Hurst found flaws eerily similar to those he had previously found in Willingham's case.

Records released by the governor's office do not show whether Navarro County case prosecutor John Jackson, now a senior judge, was consulted about Willingham's reprieve. Jackson remains skeptical of the arson experts' criticism and convinced of Willingham's guilt, but had offered a life sentence and knew about Hurst's report at the time.

He told the Chronicle he doesn't recall getting a call: “I probably wouldn't have had any problem either way.”

In the days before the execution, members of the Board of Pardons and Paroles voted by fax against clemency, Reaves said. But Texas law gives governors the right to delay an execution for 30 days without board approval.

Both Jackson, the original prosecutor, and Reaves, the last defense attorney, called for the governor to release all information on his review.

“From a fairness and honesty and integrity standpoint, there are very few circumstances where these things should not be made public,” Jackson said, “and I see no reason why not in this case.”

Source(www.chron.com)

Texas Forensic Science Commission in the spotlight and facing legislative scrutiny


AUSTIN — A once-obscure commission formed to oversee the use of forensic science in Texas criminal investigations is under a glaring public spotlight after a shake-up by Gov. Rick Perry stalled an inquiry that could determine whether the state executed an innocent man.

The nine-member Texas Forensic Science Commission will be the focus of a hearing in November by the state Senate Criminal Justice Committee, which includes three senators who helped lead the push to create the oversight panel five years ago.


Until recently, the commission was all but invisible to most Texans, struggling to overcome a lack of funding and gain its operational footing.


But that changed after the panel launched a review of the arson investigation that helped convict Cameron Todd Willingham in the deaths of his three daughters, who were killed in a house fire two days before Christmas in 1991. Willingham, who insisted he was innocent, was executed in 2004.


"Most people had no idea there was a Forensic Science Commission, but they know about it now," said Sen. Rodney Ellis, D-Houston, who suggested that the panel’s name should be changed to "political science commission" after Perry dismissed three commission members. "It has a cloud over it now," said Ellis, a member of the Criminal Justice Committee. "Its credibility has been severely tainted."


Hearing planned


Perry said the dismissals were part of the normal process to replace members whose terms had expired. But the timing of his actions has prompted criticism that Perry was trying to gut the commission to avoid potentially embarrassing findings. The shake-up forced the cancellation of a meeting to hear fire expert Craig Beyler, who has denounced the arson investigation that led to Willingham’s execution.


Perry replaced Chairman Sam Bassett, an Austin defense attorney, with Williamson County District Attorney John Bradley of Georgetown. Also dismissed were Alan Levy, a top prosecutor in the Tarrant County district attorney’s office, and Aliece Watts of Burleson, a forensic scientist at a private laboratory in Euless.


Sen. John Whitmire, D-Houston, the committee chairman, said Bradley will be invited to the hearing to discuss his intentions for the commission. Whitmire said he will ask Bradley about his plans for the Willingham inquiry but stressed that the hearing will not be a full review of the case itself. He declined a request from another committee member, Sen. Juan "Chuy" Hinojoso, D-McAllen, to invite Beyler to testify.


"My intention is to give Bradley a chance to get in there and tell us where he’s going with the commission," Whitmire said. "We’ll get to the bottom of the process and where it should go."


Bradley told the Star-Telegram that he needs time bring himself up to speed on the workings of the commission and doesn’t have a timetable for resuming the inquiry into the Willingham case. He declined to preview what he plans to tell the Senate panel "out of respect for Sen. Whitmire and his committee."


"I look forward to working with him on educating the public on the mission of the Forensic Science Commission," he said.


Sen. Kel Seliger, R-Amarillo, committee vice chairman, said he agrees that Bradley should have some time to "get his feet on the ground" but adds that there should not be a long delay in the Willingham inquiry.


"I would be surprised to see John Bradley delay things," Seliger said. "I think public sentiment would not favor that. There’s a lot of public attention on this, and it’s an important issue."


Make-up of the panel


The commission was created in 2005 through legislation pushed by Whitmire, Hinojoso and Ellis, largely to improve forensic work and to crack down on misconduct in crime labs. The governor appoints four of its nine members, the lieutenant governor three and the attorney general two.


Seven members are experts in forensic science or laboratory medicine, including several from designated universities. One is Dr. Arthur Jay Eisenberg, a molecular biologist who heads the DNA Identity Laboratory at the University of North Texas Health Science Center in Fort Worth and oversees the Texas Missing Persons Database, which the Legislature created in 2001. The law requires that the position be permanently represented on the commission.


The governor also appoints a prosecutor and a defense attorney, based on recommendations from two major legal associations, to the two remaining slots.


"I was the idiot on the commission in the sense that I’m on there with a bunch of scientists who really know what they’re doing," said Levy, who was on the panel for four years before his dismissal. "It’s a great commission, I thought. Whitmire and others should be applauded for doing it."


A sluggish start


But Perry and other state leaders have appeared unenthusiastic about the panel, some of its supporters say. It got off to a sluggish start and wasn’t fully funded until 2007, slowing its work in reviewing a backlog of complaints. Even now, it has only one full-time staff member and a $500,000 operating budget for the 2010-11 state budget cycle. Ellis said he heard rumors during the 2009 Legislature that Perry was trying to kill funding for the program, but Hinojoso and a top aide to Whitmire said they were unaware of such efforts. The governor’s office flatly dismisses the reports.


The commission agreed to look into the Willingham case in 2008 on a request by the New York-based Innocence Project and commissioned Beyler, a noted arson expert in Baltimore, to examine the procedures used by arson investigators.


In his report, Beyler said the arson investigators had a poor understanding of fire science and concluded that a finding of arson could not be sustained. Corsicana officials, in a 21-page response prepared for the commission, have disputed Beyler’s findings, saying he distorted facts and overlooked inconsistencies in Willingham’s testimony.


Online: Beyler’s report, tinyurl.com/ygjngdo


Source(www.star-telegram.com)

Saturday, 10 October 2009

Death penalty 'utterly barbaric'

Since 2003, human rights and international advocacy groups, bar associations, and NGOs have earmarked October 10 as World Day Against the Death Penalty.

They have tried to raise awareness of the dangers of capital punishment and tried to mobilise public opinion against this practise.

Clive Stafford Smith is the founder and director of Reprieve, a UK-based legal charity, and has spent 25 years working on behalf of defendants facing the death penalty in the US.

He tells Al Jazeera why he believes capital punishment is a "horrific" act.

It is rather easy, looking back, to identify the beliefs that our ancestors clung to with a fervent faith.

No doubt, 400 years ago, those who burned witches at the stake thought they were righting evil in society.

Four centuries on, the history books are not kind to them. We know the "witches" were innocent, since no coven of witches actually existed. We now recognise that any trial that sent its victim to the stake was derived from a "witch hunt" that served no possible penal purpose.

It is more difficult, perhaps, to identify our modern "flat earth" beliefs - those present day certainties that will look very foolish when viewed from a globe that is self-evidently spherical.

However, I have absolutely no doubt that when the history books are written 100 years hence, the fact that we were killing our fellow human beings in the name of "just punishment" will be viewed with a mixture of bemusement and horror.

When we think of how our ideal society would behave, does anyone imagine it would include ritual executions?

Divergence of opinion

Amongst the large and ever-increasing body of people who oppose the death penalty, there is considerable divergence of opinion.

There are those who believe that it is state-sanctioned murder, pure and simple; those who oppose it on religious grounds (including the Pope); and those who think it is inevitably beset by racial or economic discrimination (how many millionaires does one encounter on Death Row?).

There are those who also recognise its non-existent deterrent value; those who believe that the diverse frailties of human beings guarantee that there will be mistakes; and doubtless many other variations besides.

When I held a purely theoretical opposition to execution, I used to indulge in all these arguments. When - 22 years ago now - I watched my first client being executed, it rather changed my perspective.

Edward Johnson was young, personable, black, and almost certainly innocent. I was a young lawyer then, and had taken on his case close to the end.

I had failed him. As the gas wafted up toward his lungs in the execution chamber at the Mississippi State Penitentiary, I was utterly disgusted.

How could anyone possibly think this a civilised way to deal with any problem? It was not just about how wrong it seemed - it was how utterly pointless and barbaric.

Mad or bad?

I have represented over 300 prisoners facing execution, and I am more interested in those who are not entirely innocent. Only someone who has never taken the time to meet these people can pretend that they are a distillation of the "pure evil" of society.

And only those who do not care to learn the truth can see these people as devoid of humanity. Just as each victim of murder is a unique human being, so is each person charged with the crime.

And each person tells a story.

Reprieve is currently trying to halt the imminent execution of a British man, Akmal Shaikh, in China. Mr Shaikh suffers from bi-polar disorder, just as my father did before him.

The Chinese court did not even know this when Akmal was sentenced to be shot in the back of the head for allegedly smuggling drugs.

He insists he is innocent, but let us assume he is not: only someone who has never had dealings with a floridly psychotic person could possibly believe he should be executed.

Akmal Shaikh is one of many. Mental illness is prevalent monist most prison populations, but is higher still monist those awaiting execution.

Just as our ancestors preferred to believe that strange happenings were caused by witches, so we do not like to accept the reality of mental illness. It is inexplicable, and we are more comfortable saying people are bad, rather than mad.

Great courage

Indeed, it takes great courage for the victims of crime to recognise that their own suffering has no rational basis.

In 1992, Ricky Langley was sentenced to death for killing six-year-old Jeremy Guillory. Before Ricky was born his parents were involved in a car crash. Two children died, including the six -year-old Oscar Lee.

The mother suffered horrific injuries and was in a full body cast when Ricky was conceived.

Her pregnancy went undetected for five months, during which time she and her foetus had been prescribed powerful drugs and bombarded with x-rays.

The doctors advised an abortion; her husband, a Catholic, strongly objected. Ricky was therefore born to almost inevitable mental illness.

His parents could neither understand nor accept it, and thought it merely odd when he announced at the age of 11 that he was not actually Ricky Langley, but his dead brother Oscar Lee.

Jeremy Guillory's mother, Lorilei, was desperate to understand why her child had been torn from her. In the end, she spent three hours with Ricky, and realised that he was truly insane.

She too was a Catholic, and opposed the death penalty. But gradually she came to believe what society tells us: that the insane should not be sent to prison, but rather to hospital.

Crying out for help

She testified on Ricky's behalf. I asked her whether she felt that the killer of her child had been mentally ill when he did it.

"I think that Ricky Langley has been crying out for help since the day he was born," she said, turning to the jurors. "And for whatever reason, his family, society, the legal system has never listened to him. And as I sit on this chair, I can hear the death cries of my own child, Jeremy; but I can still hear Ricky Langley crying out for help."

The prosecutor said she was an unfit mother for saying that. I said she was one of my heroes. We cannot expect everyone to invest as much compassion in such a tragedy, but we can tell the difference between our ideal society and the dark world that some would have us inhabit.

And Lorelei points the way toward our salvation. In 2008, around the world, 2,390 people were killed by the machinery of the state.

That is probably one person executed for every million crimes that were committed. Did this ritual sacrifice purify our world? Or did it merely prevent us from seeing as clearly as Lorilei Guillory?

Source(english.aljazeera.net)

Swiss Step Up Fight To End Death Penalty


With the current wind of change blowing through the United States, the death penalty will be abolished there in the next 20 years, says a former US death row inmate.

Joaquín José Martinez was in Switzerland on Friday as part of a series of initiatives for the World Day Against the Death Penalty, which takes place on Saturday.

Switzerland, which abolished capital punishment in 1942, is marking the event. It will host the fourth World Congress against the Death Penalty from February 24-26, 2010 in Geneva.

"I used to be a supporter of the death penalty, believing it was flawless and prevented crime, but neither is true," Martinez told journalists in Geneva.

He was sentenced to death in 1997 after being convicted of killing a drug dealer and his girlfriend, but the sentence was overturned in 2001 by the Florida Supreme Court because of irregularities in the trial.

Since his release he has been heavily involved in the fight against the death penalty.

"I was the 96th death row inmate to be released from the US and 30 more have been let out over the past eight years," said Martinez. "Something is happening there that needs to be changed."

But he believes that the death penalty could be abolished there in the next two decades.

"I believe that once the death penalty is abolished, and it won't take over 20 years, the US will become one of its strongest allies," he commented.

Constant battle

According to Amnesty International, at least 2,390 executions were carried out in 2008 in 25 countries. But the actual number worldwide is believed to be much higher.

Many of those affected are youngsters. Since 2007 24 minors have been executed in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and Yemen.

The human rights group says 93 per cent of known executions in 2008 took place in just five countries - China, Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the US. China carried out at least 1,718 executions, 72 per cent of the global total.

There are signs of a global shift away from the death penalty. A total of 139 countries have now abolished capital punishment in practice or in law, compared with 16 in 1976.

But achieving global abolition remains a constant battle. In countries that have abolished the law, like Mexico and the Philippines, pro-death penalty lobbies regularly talk about its reintroduction.

Figures from the end of December 2008 show that around 59 countries have capital punishment. The US is one of only five democracies to still carry out the practice.

Defenders of capital punishment argue that it is a national legal issue and should not be tampered with internationally.

"It remains a very entrenched issue politically," said Dante Martinelli, Switzerland's ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva.

Foreign policy priority

Switzerland itself has joined forces with the European Union to call for an end to capital punishment.

"The global abolition of the death penalty is one of our foreign policy priorities," explained Rudolf Knoblauch, in charge of human rights policy at the Swiss foreign ministry.

« It remains a very entrenched issue politically. » Dante Martinelli, Swiss ambassador

Switzerland actively takes part in debate against the death penalty in international organisations, including the UN, the Council of Europe, and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. It also supports non-governmental organisations that are campaigning against it.

In December 2008 the UN General Assembly adopted an EU-backed resolution for a death penalty moratorium, on which Switzerland collaborated very closely.

"And the world congress is a concrete and tangible expression of Swiss foreign policy," said Knoblauch.

Around 1,000 government delegates, experts and civil society representatives will be converging on Geneva next year.

The meeting, which has taken place every three years since 2001, aims to improve synergies between organisations, raise awareness and maintain pressure on wavering states that retain the death penalty but do not use it.

"Countries like China and the US believe the death penalty helps fights crime but there are lots of others which still have it but risk becoming pariahs if they apply it," said Knoblauch.

"In Vietnam we see the government trying to limit the cases for which it can be applied. This is a clear sign that they want to abolish it."

Another aim of the conference is to encourage states to ratify the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, a UN treaty aimed at abolishing the death penalty. Between 2001 and 2008, 22 new states signed up, taking the total number to 70.

"This is the only international legal instrument that prohibits the death penalty," said Knoblauch. "It's important that everyone joins it."

Source(www.turkishweekly.net)

Wilton Dedge’s Bike Blast


Annual Bike Blast will take place in Titusville, FL. This event is very special to us because it is coordinated by Wilton Dedge, who was exonerated in 2004 after DNA testing proved he did not commit the rape for which he was convicted and imprisoned.


Wilton owns a great biker bar in historic Titusville called the Southern Room (345 S Washington Ave) which will be the epicenter of the the event. They expect there to be as many as 5,000 bikes at this 2-day event.


The best part is that they will be having a Poker Run to raise money for the Innocence Project of Florida, which will assist our efforts to find and free the wrongfully convicted. You can view the Poker Run flier and register for the Poker Run. If you would like to be a vendor at the Bike Blast, you can see vendor information and fill out this vendor form.


Come to this great event and support Wilton and the Innocence Project of Florida. For more information, please refer to the Bike Blast flier.


Yo can pre-order a t-shirt that will bear the really cool image above for $15 (which includes shipping) by calling Tina Dedge at 321-208-4768, or by sending your payment to: Bike Blast T-Shirt Order, The Southern Room, 345 S Washington Ave., Titusville, FL 32796.


source(floridainnocence.org)

Rick Perry Continues Todd Willingham Cover Up: Removes Another Member of Texas Forensic Science Commission



AUSTIN -- More than a week after announcing a shake-up on the Texas Forensic Science Commission, Gov. Rick Perry on Friday removed another member and named two appointees to the oversight panel, including Fort Worth criminal defense attorney Lance Evans.

Evans, 45, was named to replace Sam Bassett, an Austin criminal defense attorney who had served as chairman of the nine-member commission. Perry also removed Sridhar Natarajan, a Lubbock medical examiner, and named Bexar County Medical Examiner Randall Frost of Boerne as his replacement.

The latest reshuffling comes nine days after Perry removed Bassett and two other commissioners -- Alan Levy, a prosecutor in the Tarrant County District Attorney’s office, and Aliece Watts, a forensic scientist who lives in Burleson.

The first wave of dismissals was announced as the commission was preparing to review expert findings challenging an arson investigation that led to the 2004 execution of Cameron Todd Willingham of Corsicana, who was convicted of capital murder for setting a house fire that killed his three daughters.

Perry has defended the commission changes, saying he is replacing members whose terms have expired. But critics have accused the Republican governor of attempting to gut the panel to avoid potentially embarrassing findings if the commission inquiry concludes that the state executed an innocent man.

Source(www.facebook.com)

U.S. Government to Fund Wrongful Conviction Representation and Training Efforts


The U.S. Bureau of Justice Assistance, an office within the Department of Justice, announced recently that it will provide nearly $2.5 million in funding this year for 11 organizations working to represent defendants seeking to overturn wrongful convictions. The funding is dedicated to organizations that handle cases where DNA testing cannot help prove innocence. The BJA also announced that it will provide about $100,000 to the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers to facilitate training to help attorneys and organizations to improve the capacity to represent defendants seeking to prove their innocence in post-conviction appeals.

The organizations awarded grants are: the Idaho Innocence Project, the Innocence Project of Minnesota, the Kentucky Innocence Project, the Midwestern Innocence Project, the Northern California Innocence Project, the Alaska Innocence Project, the Cooley Innocence Project (at Cooley Law School in Lansing, Michigan), the Massachusetts Committee for Public Counsel Services, the Innocence Project of Florida, the Michigan State Appellate Defender’s Office and the Arizona Justice Project.

The Innocence Project is a separate non-profit organization from the organizations above, many of which are fellow members of the Innocence Network – an affiliation of organizations dedicated to overturning wrongful convictions. The Innocence Project only handles cases where DNA testing could prove innocence.

Read more in the BJA statement on the grants.

The Department of Justice also announced recently that it would fund DNA testing in cases of possible wrongful conviction in nine states under the Postconviction DNA Testing Assistance Program. The nine states receiving funds this year are California, Colorado, Connecticut, Louisiana, Maryland, Minnesota, North Carolina, New Mexico and Wisconsin.

Source(www.innocenceproject.org)

EU says Texas, nation should end executions





WASHINGTON — The European Union renewed its call Friday for the abolition of the death penalty in the United States.


“For the EU, it’s a matter of principle,” said John Bruton, former Irish prime minister and the EU ambassador to the United States.


Bruton and Swedish Ambassador Jonas Hafstrom issued the call for abolition on the eve of World Day Against the Death Penalty, established in 2002.


“The EU believes that the elimination of the death penalty is fundamental to the enhancement of human dignity and to the progressive development of human rights,” Hafstrom said on behalf of the 27-member political union.


European countries have lobbied the federal and state governments in recent decades to end the death penalty.


Hafstrom said he raised concerns about executions in Texas with Gov. Rick Perry when he recently visited the state.


“Gov. Perry is well-informed about the EU position on the matter,” Hafstrom said.


Bruton and Hafstrom said recent death-row exonerations have shown that the risk of a wrongful execution remains possible.


Bruton cited the case of Michael Toney, a Texas native recently cleared of murder charges after prosecutors admitted they’d withheld key documents during his trial.


Toney was released just over a month ago after nearly a decade on death row, then died in a car wreck last week.


The EU said it was helping foes of capital punishment in the U.S. by filing friend-of-the-court briefs in appellate courts hearing death penalty appeals. The EU also has funded studies by the American Bar Association to investigate the fairness of specific death penalty cases.


The bar group also has called for a moratorium on the death penalty in the U.S.


Texas leads the U.S. in the number of executions with 441 since 1976 and about 370 prisoners still on death row. Virginia is second with 103 prisoners executed since 1976.


One hundred thirty-nine countries have abolished the death penalty, while 25 others carried out executions in 2008.


According to the human rights group Amnesty International, 93 percent of executions last year took place in five nations: China, Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United States.


Source(www.mysanantonio.com)

Wednesday, 7 October 2009

A Path Forward on Forensic Reform


New reports proving that Texas executed an innocent man have underscored the critical need for forensic reform in the United States, and a hearing this month before Congress made it clear that bipartisan support exists for science-based federal forensic standards.

The U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee held a hearing on forensic reform September 9, and a central topic was the case of Cameron Todd Willingham, an innocent man executed in Texas in 2004. Read below for more on the Willingham case.

Senators also focused on the recommendation of the National Academy of Sciences to establish an independent, science-based entity to oversee forensic science research and standards. Senator Al Franken called the NAS report on forensics “damning" and "terrifying," and in a report following the hearing, NPR noted the bipartisan support for a federal role in stimulating research, training forensic analysts and setting standards.

Innocence Project Co-Director Peter Neufeld appeared before the panel, along with Houston Police Chief Harold Hurtt, a law professor, a lab director and two prosecutors. Neufeld was joined by Roy Brown, who was convicted of a crime he didn’t commit in New York based in part on faulty forensic tests. Above is Neufeld, with Brown sitting behind him. Watch the complete Senate hearing here.

Visit the Just Science Coalition website here for more background on federal forensic reform proposals and to take action to support the creation of a federal forensic agency to oversee forensics.

DNA exoneration project gets $1.2 million


By Howard Pankratz
The Denver Post
POSTED: 10/01/2009 09:12:21 AM MDT
UPDATED: 10/01/2009 11:31:46 AM MDT

The newly-created Colorado Justice Review Project, which will review 5,000 rapes, murders and manslaughters to ascertain if defendants were wrongly convicted, has received $1.2 million in federal grant funds.

The DNA project will be administered by the Colorado Attorney General's Office and the Denver District Attorney's Office.

Under the program, some people previously convicted of felonies can apply to have DNA testing performed in their case, according to the Colorado Attorney General's Office.

"DNA is one of law enforcement's most effective tools for convicting the guilty and exonerating the innocent," Colorado Attorney General John Suthers said in a release. "These grant funds will allow us to use DNA to ensure that no Coloradan has been wrongly convicted."

Suthers said that in addition to working with the Denver District Attorney's Office, he will work with several other organizations, including the University of Denver College of Law, the Colorado Bureau of Investigation and the Colorado Public Defender's Office.

The organizations will help run the program and select which cases will be reviewed.

The Attorney General's Office applied for the federal grant. In its proposal, the AG's office said that its goal is to test biological evidence in roughly one percent of the cases where DNA evidence could exonerate innocent inmates; request further judicial review in any case where post-conviction DNA analysis proves a conviction is questionable, document cases that result in exoneration and close any cases where post-conviction DNA analysis indicates the conviction was accurate.

CBI director Ron Sloan said in the release that he was convinced Colorado should undertake such a program after attending a U.S. Justice Department symposium last January that focused on post-conviction DNA casework.

"CBI is excited about being an active participant in this program," said Sloan. "We will provide technical investigative assistance and forensic expertise to the Attorney General, Denver District Attorney's Office and the state's public defender."

Added Sloan: "I am hopeful that CBI's expertise will be valuable in identifying wrongful convictions..."

Suthers said his office will also use the program's findings to help law enforcement change its investigative techniques to reduce or eliminate future wrongful convictions.

Howard Pankratz: 303-954-1939 or hpankratz@denverpost.com

Northwestern LawLaunches Center on Wrongful Convictions of Youth


Northwestern University School of Law has launched a new joint project between the Center for Wrongful Convictions and the Children and Family Justice Center. The Center for Wrongful Conviction of Youth (CWCY) will address the specific concern of exonerating and advocating for children and adolescents who are wrongfully convicted. Children and adolescents are particularly susceptible to police coercion and false confession. A Miranda warning is often not enough for a child or adolescent to adequately understand the ramifications of their words and actions while in police custody.

Source(newenglandinnocenceproject.blogspot.com)

Smoke screen


Several of Texas Governor Rick Perry's appointees to state university regent boards have already learned the hard way that crossing him can be an administrative death sentence.

Playing footsie with Perry's primary opponent, Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, cost several Texas Tech regents their positions.


Now Perry has replaced three members of a state forensic commission, including its chairman, who were examining disputed evidence in an arson case that resulted in a man's execution. The probe has put Perry in the ticklish position of being spotlighted as the executive who let a possibly innocent man be executed.


The Texas Legislature had created the nine-member commission in 2005 to study questionable convictions and try to prevent future miscarriages of justice. It seems that with criminal justice, as with higher education, the top priority for Perry appointees who want to keep their positions is protecting the governor rather than carrying out their sworn duties.


The governor had denied a last-minute death-row appeal in 2004 by Cameron Todd Willingham, convicted of setting a house fire that killed his three young daughters. The appeal included a report by an arson expert disputing the evidence used to convict Willingham.


The commission was scheduled to take testimony last Friday from a nationally recognized arson expert assigned to examine the Willingham case. In a preliminary report, Craig L. Beyler likewise faulted the arson findings presented at Willingham's trial as not meeting professional standards.


After replacing chairman Sam Bassett, an Austin lawyer, Perry appointed Williamson County district attorney John M. Bradley. He promptly canceled the hearing, saying he needed time to study the case. He did not commit to completing the inquiry.


Perry also replaced commission members Alan Levy, a prosecutor, and Aliece Watts, a forensic scientist. Bassett, Levy and Watts all expressed disappointment at the governor's decision and concern it would delay or derail the Willingham investigation.


The governor characterized his decision to replace the trio as “pretty normal protocol” because their terms had expired. The commission members, however, had not been told they would not be reappointed, and Watts said the governor's staff had indicated she would receive another term. Similar situations occurred with those pro-Hutchison regents at Texas Tech.


Predictably, and with justification, Perry's gubernatorial opponents from both parties questioned the motives behind the forensic commission shake-up.


In a campaign statement the senator accused the governor of casting a cloud over the re-examination of the Willingham case.


Democratic candidate Hank Gilbert, a Tyler rancher, said the replacement of the commission members was “a political decision “to avoid spotlighting the state's carelessness in carrying out capital punishment.”


We hope the new forensic commission chairman swiftly acquaints himself with the Willingham case and pushes forward to a rescheduled hearing before the March primary. Otherwise, the inescapable conclusion will be that his appointment was just another example of the governor's appointment politics.










Source(www.chron.com)

Texas and Innocence




The State of Texas is home to more verified wrongful convictions than any other state in the Nation. 38 individuals have been exonerated by DNA testing, and several more have had their wrongful convictions overturned on other grounds.
The following individuals have been exonerated via the use of DNA testing in Texas.
Gilbert Alejandro, 3.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 1994
Kevin Byrd, 12 years incarcerated, exonerated in 1997
Ben Salazar, 5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 1997
A.B. Butler, 16 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2000
Roy Criner, 10 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2000
Carlos Lavernia, 15 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2000
Anthony Robinson, 10 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2000
David Pope, 15 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2001
Calvin Washington, 13 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2001
Mark Webb, 10 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2001
Richard Danzinger, 11 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2002
Chris Ochoa, 11.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2002
Victor Thomas, 15 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2002
Wiley Fountain, 16 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2003
Donald Good, 13.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2004
Josiah Sutton, 4.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2004
Entre Karage, 6.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2005
Brandon Moon, 17 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2005
Keith Turner, 4 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2005
George Rodriguez, 17 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2005
Arthur Mumphrey, 17.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2006
Billy Miller, 22 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2006
Eugene Henton, 1.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2006
Billy Smith, 19 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2006
Larry Fuller, 19.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2007
Andrew Gossett, 7 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2007
Greg Wallis, 17 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2007
James Waller, 10 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2007
James Giles, 10 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2007
Steven Phillips, 24 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2008
Ronald Taylor, 12 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2008
Charles Chatman, 26.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2008
Michael Blair, 13.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2008
Thomas McGowan, 23 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2008
Patrick Waller, 15.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2008
Ricardo Rachell, 5.5 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2009
Timothy Cole, 13 years incarcerated (passed away in prison), exonerated in 2009
Johnnie Lindsey, 27 years incarcerated, exonerated in 2009
To read more about the stories of several Texas DNA exonerees, click on the links below.
This page has the following sub pages.
-->
Charles Chatman
Anthony Robinson
James Waller
Keith Turner
Eugene Henton
Gregory Wallis
Billy James Smith
James Curtis Giles
Timothy Cole

Two More Exonerations From Death Row: 137th and 138th Persons Freed in Oklahoma

Two men who were charged with murder in a 1993 drive-by shooting were released on October 2 after spending almost 15 years on Oklahoma’s death row. District Attorney David Prater dropped charges against Yancy Douglas (left),35, and Paris Powell (right), 36, after deciding the state's key witness was unreliable. "Ethically, and on my duty, I could not proceed in this case and had to dismiss it," Prater said. Derrick Smith, a rival gang member to the defendants and the state's main witness, was one of the apparent targets in the shooting. A federal appeals court in 2006 found that Smith had received a deal from the prosecutors that was not revealed to the defense and overturned the convictions. Smith testified against Powell and Douglas in their 1997 trial, but later admitted he never saw who shot him, that he was drunk and high that night, and that he testified only because prosecutors had threatened him with more prison time.

The District Attorney added, “We all came to the opinion that without Derrick Smith, we did not have a case we could prove beyond a reasonable doubt.” Jack Fisher, Powell’s attorney, said his client has always maintained his innocence and that Powell’s release is “bittersweet. It should have happened a long time ago. It’s unfortunate that he had to spend 16 years of his life in jail. What it boils down to is they had no evidence he was guilty. The testimony that they used to convict him was false.”

(S. Murphy, "Two ex-death row inmates released from Oklahoma prison," Associated Press, October 5, 2009; R. Surette, "Why 2 Death Row Inmates Were Set Free," News9.com, Oct. 6, 2009). See Innocence.

Douglas was the 137th inmate exonerated from death row since 1973, and Powell is the 138th, according to a list of exonerations maintained by the Death Penalty Information Center. Ten inmates have been exonerated and freed from Oklahoma. The criteria for inclusion on the list are:

Defendants must have been convicted, sentenced to death and subsequently either-

a) their conviction was overturned AND

i) they where acquitted at re-trial or

ii) all charges were dropped

b) they were given an absolute pardon by the governor based on new evidence of innocence

Source(www.deathpenaltyinfo.org)



Death and Texas


The botched trial and execution of Cameron Willingham is another deadly miscarriage of justice, Texas style.

"I am an innocent man - convicted of a crime I did not commit."


Those were the final words of Cameron Willingham, seconds before he was executed by the state of Texas in 2004 for starting the fire in his home that killed his three young children. Willingham maintained his innocence for the 12 years he spent on death row – even refusing a plea-bargain at his 1992 trial that would have meant a life sentence instead of a death sentence.


The final go-ahead for his execution was given by the governor of Texas, Republican Rick Perry, a slick Pierce Brosnan-lookalike who assumed office in 2000, replacing George Bush who was then running for president. But last month it looked like Willingham was coming back to haunt Perry: doubts over his execution had reached fever pitch – an investigation by the Chicago Tribune and a damning article in the New Yorker didn't help – and Texas's Forensic Science Commission (FSC) was tasked with carrying out an official inquiry.


That inquiry found that the key evidence had no basis in modern fire science but then, last Wednesday, Slick Rick announced his decision to remove the head of the commission and two of its investigators. The incoming chairman subsequently cancelled the meeting scheduled to discuss the FSC report.


Perry denied that the changes were intended to quash the investigation, saying: "Those individuals' terms were up, so we're replacing them."


It's Perry's arrogance that really reeks here. Last month, the Dallas Morning News reported him saying: "I'm familiar with the latter-day supposed experts on the arson side of it," adding that he made quotation marks with his fingers to underscore his skepticism.


The question is whether Perry – currently campaigning for a third term as governor in 2010 – can survive, after one of the ousted FSC members described his motives for removing her and her two colleagues as "suspicious" and his opponents in the race for governor have said there should be no interference in the wheels of justice. The heat is most definitely on.


And he should be worried - Texas Republicans now have an alternative for governor in Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, a moderate who is also calling for the FSC to finish its inquiry. Last month a survey of Republican voters showed Perry falling slightly behind Hutchison. Although she supports the death penalty, Hutchison is targeting centre-right voters: It's a case of baby steps – the last Democratic governor here, Ann Richards, left office in 1995, but Hutchison could be a move in the right direction.


According to a national poll conducted in 2007, the American public are losing confidence in state-sanctioned killing – largely because of the concern about the risk of executing the innocent and about the fairness of the process.


Perry already has blood his hands. In 2002 he signed the death warrant of Napoleon Beazley, one of the last juvenile offenders executed in the United States. Beazley was 17 years old when he shot the father of a federal judge. He admitted his guilt, expressed remorse, and even his trial judge, Cynthia Kent, wrote to Perry asking him to commute his sentence to life in prison. But Perry was unmoved. Then, just three years later the Supreme Court decided it was unconstitutional to execute prisoners who committed their crimes before the age of 18, but it was too late for Beazley.


In June Perry signed his 200th execution warrant, a record surpassing even Bush's 152 (and he was known as the Texecutioner).


Richard Dieter, executive director of the Death Penalty Information Centre in Washington DC told me one of the main problems is Perry's acceptance of Texas's 'rather deficient criminal justice system' - both in the quality of representation and of prosecutorial misconduct. "He has allowed these cases to go forward, continuing with the false assumption that everything is fine."


There is also a large question mark over Texas's handling of scientific evidence: a recent investigation by the Fort Worth Star-Telegram uncovered a series of mistakes by medical examiners here. Two years ago one recanted his original testimony that had helped put a woman, Cathy Lynn Henderson, on death row for murdering a baby. At her original trial he'd said the baby had died from intentional blows. Today he says Henderson could have accidentally dropped the child. How long will it be before Perry signs her death warrant as well?


There is something sinister about the fate of hundreds of death row inmates – some of whom could be innocent – resting in the hands of a man with Perry's record.


Since 1973, 135 people in 26 states have been released from death row with evidence of their innocence. Of these, Texas has released just nine. Does this mean Texas doesn't have as many unsafe convictions as other states? Or is it executing its inmates so quickly that there isn't time to tell?


Tom Schieffer, also running to be governor of Texas next year, on the Democratic ticket, says if a mistake was made in Willingham's case, we should to know about it. "No one in public life should ever be afraid of the truth," he said. If Texans decide that Perry is afraid of the truth, they'll make themselves known at the ballot box next year.


Source(www.guardian.co.uk)

Willingham debate not focused on arson science



In a lot of ways, I wish the Texas Forensic Science Commission had picked another arson case to examine besides Cameron Todd Willingham. Because it's a death penalty case, the debate quickly devolves into a pointless re-trial of Willingham (retrying his case in the media can neither bring him back nor make him more dead).

But that wasn't the purpose of either the Forensic Science Commission or the expert they hired, who were charged with evaluating the forensic testimony in Willingham's arson conviction. And that evaluation (pdf), conducted in accordance with current scientific knowledge about fire, arguably has huge implications for some probably-innocent convicted "arsonists" now sitting in prison. If this weren't a death penalty case where the defendant was already executed, I doubt Rick Perry would have bothered himself to intervene and maybe there'd be a better chance for getting more innocent people out of prison.

These thoughts arose this morning as I read a hyper-defensive and frankly embarrassingly dense 21-page rebuttal (pdf) from the City of Corsicana Fire Chief. Most of the fire chief's report adumbrates in detail other testimonial evidence that has nothing to do with the forensic testimony. He seems to fancy himself a prosecutor and his main concern is to claim Todd Willingham was guilty anyway, not to defend in any meaningful detail the science presented at trial.

His rebuttal shows the chief seemingly unaware of the history or status of modern fire science, and he ironically fails to understand the implications of the expert testimony received by the commission. The chief said that calling 1991 investigation methods "folklore" is "a bit strong" but he doesn't know what they were, doesn't know how they changed, and he pretty universally accepts what Beyler says they are now. He merely thinks investigators shouldn't be faulted for not using more modern methods that didn't exist yet.

But the Commission's point wasn't to fault investigators but to evaluate their findings based on scientific assumptions in a field that everyone acknowledges has changed dramatically since Willingham was convicted. In 1991, Corsicana investigators relied on junk science, or really "folklore," to use Beyler's term, that had no actual relation to "science" at all - but that was true of most arson investigators in America. There's no need to be defensive to the point of denial. Worse, the chief betrays his own ignorance by defending debunked methods as valid, discrediting his views from the get-go.

Ignoring portions of the rebuttal unrelated to science (and thus equally unrelated to the investigation at the Forensic Science Commission), the chief's critique of the scientific debate boils down to a complaint that "Beyler ignores the testimony of Doug Fogg, the Corsicana Fire Department investigator, regarding the pour patterns and what could have caused them, and Beyler also quotes Fogg as saying that plastic toys don’t melt, and that latex paint doesn’t burn off wood, which he did not say," reported the Corsicana Sun. At the end of his rebuttal, the chief goes on at length to say that the fact that the floor was on fire is evidence that arson occurred because "Fire burns up, not down."

These claims would be almost comical if they didn't come up in such a macabre setting. Those assumptions about "pour patterns" and fire on the floor are precisely among the aspects of junk forensics discredited by modern methodologies. That's the point of Beyler's testimony and the fire chief clearly doesn't know enough about the subject to engage in an on-point debate.

Mr. Fogg is not a scientist and to judge by the chief's rebuttal, even today fire officials in Corsicana don't have anyone on staff with a firm grasp of modern arson science. By comparison, Dr. Beyler has bachelors and masters degrees in fire safety engineering, a PhD in engineering from Harvard and is chairman of the International Association for Fire Safety Science. The techniques of modern fire science were mostly developed via hands-on experimentation within the last 20 years. Real-world testing debunked a specific set of non-scientific mythologies and assumptions that previously dominated arson investigation, some of which the chief still clearly clings to. But when Dr. Beyler sees testimony about "pour patterns" and fire on the floor presented to a jury as evidence of arson, with no other evidence but "eliminating" accidental causes, for him that's not even a hard call. Science just doesn't consider that good evidence anymore, even though not long ago such testimony was common, though erroneous, even when given in good faith. That's the piece of the puzzle that makes sense of these conflicting claims about fire.

During the forensic testimony at Willingham's trial, jurors were assured that "the fire does not lie," etc., implying that contradictory accounts among witnesses could be sorted out through science. The rest of the testimony was sketchy and inconclusive, with contradicting witnesses telling different stories on virtually every critical point. (The other important witness was a jailhouse snitch who has since recanted.) The chief said this was just a colloquialism, but in context it had significant import: With conflicting witnesses, forensic testimony was the crux of the evidence for conviction, and although the jury was told the fire did not lie, they had no way of knowing fire could be so profoundly misunderstood.

The chief's other big complaint focuses on the use of one three-word phrase in a 51-page report - "standard of care," which he says is evidence of bias. But because this is a death penalty case, unbiased sources are few and far between and the fire chief clearly isn't one, either. Personally, I read that phrase as referring to care in gathering and maintaining evidence in the investigation. If Dr. Beyler has a bias, it appears to be a bias for higher standards of professionalism in arson investigations than what happens in Corsicana.

Bottom line, the arson testimony in Todd Willingham's trial was overstated and reached definitive conclusions that a scientific understanding of fire fails to support. Nobody will ever be able to prove a negative - that Todd Willingham didn't set the fire - because evidence wasn't preserved and the investigation can't be re-done by people who know what they're doing. But it's possible now to say there was no solid forensic evidence of arson presented to the jury, which was all the Commission was investigating in the first place.

If this weren't a death penalty case, that might be enough to spark a more thorough review of past arson convictions and expanded training and research in fire science, which is what's needed. Instead, the Governor appoints a crony who shuts down the inquiry so he can play hero to the pro-death penalty crowd in the run up to the primary. That does not bode well for anyone falsely convicted of arson who claimed innocence at trial and is now sitting in prison based on discredited forensics. They're going to have to wait on justice awhile longer while the culture warriors slug it out over whether an innocent person received the death penalty.

UPDATE (10/5): While I appreciate the Dallas News linking to this post on their list of "Must reads from the web," I took umbrage at the headline they gave it: "A minor Willingham tragedy." I'd say that's a matter of perspective. If you're sitting in prison long-term for an arson crime you didn't commit, arguably the tragedy wouldn't seem nearly so "minor."

Source(gritsforbreakfast.blogspot.com)

Backlog of DNA cases complicates Houston crime lab's bias problems


Houston Police Chief Harold Hurtt may believe the Houston Crime Lab's problems are all solved, but the agency still doesn't have a sufficient budget to handle the volume of DNA testing requests the lab receives. Report the Houston Chronicle ("Thousands of cases in Houston await DNA tests," Oct. 2):


Nearly 4,000 rape kits and other evidence haven't undergone DNA testing — about seven years after major problems at the Houston lab came to light.

Crime Lab Director Irma Rio told the Houston Chronicle in Friday editions that the evidence involves homicides, sexual assaults and burglaries and includes a backlog of about 1,000 active cases in which police have asked for DNA testing. Testing would no longer be helpful in many of the inactive cases, police said.



The city announced plans Thursday for a $1.3 million upgrade for the understaffed lab. Still, officials say the backlog has increased the urgency for a proposed regional forensic lab that would merge the labs of Houston and Harris County.



"If you have all those rape kits that are untested, that means there are predators, sexually violent predators, that are free to roam," Harris County District Attorney Patricia Lykos said.



DNA experts say labs should be moved out of the buildings police investigators use to avoid the appearance of an "incestuous" relationship.

This is a problem everywhere in the state, not just in Houston. And it's not just DNA but also drug cases backed up at Texas crime labs. In Tarrant County, officials say lab backlogs have contributed to jail overcrowding. And labs run by the Department of Public Safety are also experiencing major backlogs. These waiting lists are likely to get longer thanks the advent of "touch DNA," which ensures DNA testing will be possible in many more cases in the future. Much less certain is whether current lab capacity can handle that many new cases.

Equally distressing, despite assurances from Chief Hurtt that the crime lab now is new and improved, HPD hasn't addressed the most important reform that's been suggested by virtually everyone who's examined the troubled lab: Performing forensic analysis at an independent agency separate from law enforcement and out from under control of the police. The biggest concern at the Houston crime lab wasn't incompetence but corruption: "some lab results appeared to have been altered to bolster police testimony," reported the Chron, in part because forensic workers considered themselves part of the prosecution's team instead of independent analysts. But that too-close relationship with police is the one thing nobody has been willing to tackle.

Perhaps the suggested creation of a proposed regional lab would be a good opportunity to establish a neutral agency separate from law enforcement to manage forensic testing in Houston and Harris County, while simultaneously expanding capacity. That would make more sense to me than throwing lots more money at Houston PD for labwork under its current setup.

Source(gritsforbreakfast.blogspot.com)

Tuesday, 6 October 2009

Ohio considering bone, muscle for lethal injection


COLUMBUS, Ohio — Ohio is considering administering lethal drugs into inmates' bone marrow or muscles as an alternative to — or a backup for — the traditional intravenous execution procedure, a prisons department spokeswoman said Tuesday.

"Everything is on the table" as the state researches ways to adjust its death chamber procedure in the wake of a failed execution last month, when officials couldn't locate suitable veins on inmate Romell Broom, said Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction spokeswoman Julie Walburn.

Broom's execution is on hold at least until a federal court hearing takes place on Nov. 30. Gov. Ted Strickland issued reprieves for two other death-row inmates on Monday, saying that more time is needed to study the execution procedure.

The changes could include a different procedure to access veins, the use of a device to inject lethal chemicals directly into an inmate's bone marrow, or injection into muscles.

"We don't believe that this exam or the reprieve are a reflection of the skills and ability of our team," Walburn said. "This was a rare and exceptional circumstance, but we want to make sure we have a contingency plan if this were to reoccur."

Richard Dieter, director of the nonprofit Death Penalty Information Center, said he isn't aware of any other states that have considered, or currently use, injections into bone marrow or muscle as part of their protocol.

Ohio's current procedure gives officials as much time as they need to locate suitable veins, but other states have procedures for dealing with inmates in such circumstances.

In Kentucky, the execution team can only try for one hour. Other states, including Florida, allow for a procedure in which the team cuts the skin to find a vein.

Ohio officials also are exploring whether to keep the state's three-drug regimen — a sedative, a paralyzing agent and a chemical to stop the heart — or to rely on a single drug, Walburn said. It could be used as a backup if officials encounter difficulty locating veins, or as a new procedure to replace the old one.

Officials were able to locate Broom's veins, but the veins collapsed when a saline solution was administered to test whether they could accept the flow of the lethal drugs. Broom later said he was stuck with a needle as many as 18 times, including painful sticks into his muscle and bone.

Officials have had difficulty locating suitable veins in at least two other executions.

Strickland stopped Broom's execution after two hours, an unprecedented order since the United States resumed executions in the 1970s. Ohio has put 32 people to death since 1999, when executions resumed in the state.

Source(www.google.com)

GOV. PERRY'S "SATURDAY NIGHT" MASSACRE



On the same day that Gov. Rick Perry committed what New York’s Innocence Project co-director Barry Scheck called a “Saturday night massacre” by replacing three members of the Texas Forensic Science Commission just two days before the commission was to hear evidence that would have probably proven the State of Texas executed an innocent man in February 2004 under Perry’s watch, the governor formally pardoned James Woodward who spent 29 years in the Texas prison system for a rape he did not commit. Perry’s decision paved the way for Woodward to receive $80,000 for each year he was wrongfully imprisoned plus an annual annuity. The total amount of compensation the State of Texas must pay Woodward totals nearly $4.3 million.

“This couldn’t happen to a more deserving guy,’” Texas Innocence Project’s chief counsel Jeff Blackburn told the media. “He is a remarkable guy who fought his own case, all along, with no one listening to him for 20-some years.”


But Cameron Todd Willingham was not so fortunate. Before his 2004 execution, Willingham’s case had drawn considerable support from the Cambridge-educated chemist and fire expert Gerald Hurst who examined the arson forensic evidence Navarro County officials used to convict Willingham of capital murder in connection with the deaths of his three small children who perished in a 1991 trailer fire in Corsicana and who concluded that the condemned inmate had not deliberately set that fire.


The Hurst forensic findings did not impress Gov. Perry who rejected all attempts by Willingham’s supporters to spare the condemned inmate’s life. The governor had determined there was “clear and convincing evidence” that Willingham murdered his three children even if there was no evidence of arson. The public record has always remained devoid of indication of what this “clear and convincing evidence” was. I have speculated in the past that it was probably the “indictment” itself. An increasing number of death penalty proponents in Texas believe that all it takes is an indictment to establish guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.


After Willingham’s execution before which he had always maintained his steadfast innocence, the Chicago Tribune and the New York-based Innocence Project secured the services of seven nationally-acclaimed fire experts to examine and evaluate the forensic evidence the State relied upon to convict Willingham. All of these experts uniformly concluded the evidence used against Willingham did not meet the minimum standards established by the National Fire Protection Association for such evidence. In effect, these experts concluded the State had relied upon “forensic quackery” to convict Willingham.


In 2005, 18 months after Willingham’s execution, the Texas Legislature establish the Texas Forensic Science Commission in the wake of scandals that rocked the Houston City Police Department’s “crime lab” which revealed that lab technicians had fabricated evidence, rigged test results, and committed perjury to secure criminal convictions for the Harris County District Attorney’s office. Three years later the commission accepted a request from the New York Innocence Project to “investigate” the Willingham case.


This past January the commission retained the service of Craig Beyler, a highly touted fire expert from Maryland, to examine the fire forensic evidence used to convict Willingham. In August Beyler delivered a 51-page report to the commission which essentially said that not only the evidence itself but the procedure used by state fire marshal officials to produce that evidence was so horrifically flawed that there was no way it could be said the fire which killed Willingham’s children was the product of criminal arson.


Commission chairman Sam Bassett, an Austin attorney who has long questioned the validity of Willingham’s conviction, scheduled October 2nd as the date for Beyler to present his findings and conclusions to the full commission. Bassett also informed state fire marshal officials that they would be given an opportunity to rebut these findings and conclusions. That impartial approach did not satisfy Gov. Perry whose aides immediately expressed concerns to Bassett about the impending “investigations” being conducted by the commission. When these official expressions of concern did not deter the commission decision in the Willingham case, Perry reacted unilaterally by replacing Bassett and two other commission members on September 30th which promptly cancelled the October 2nd hearing..


There has been a lot of speculation among the media and death penalty opponents about Perry motives. The governor’s motives are not the real issue. The real issue is the impact of his “Saturday massacre” decision: it once again portrays the State of Texas as an Alamo-frontier state with a lynch law mentality. While the governor may reap certain short term political benefits from the decision, it will have long term consequences on the State of Texas itself and ultimately on the governor’s already marginal political legacy.


Source(www.capitalpunishmentbook.com)

Man convicted in bombing dies in wreck 1 month after his release




A man who spent almost 10 years on Death Row before his capital murder conviction was overturned died Saturday in a one-vehicle rollover crash in Cherokee County in East Texas.


Michael Roy Toney died one month after his release from jail after the state’s decision not to retry him in the 1985 bombing deaths of three people in a Lake Worth trailer.


A spokeswoman for O’Melveny & Myers, the California law firm that handled Toney’s successful appeal, said Sunday night in a written statement that lawyers are saddened by his death.


"Our thoughts are with his family and many friends who supported him in his fight for justice," the statement said.


The accident occurred at 11:05 a.m. as Toney, 43, drove south on Farm Road 347 in a 2000 Ford F-250 pickup, according to the Texas Department of Public Safety. The truck veered off of the east side of the road and rolled.


Toney, who was not wearing a seat belt, was ejected, the report said.


A local judge pronounced Toney dead at the scene.


A supporter of Toney wrote in an e-mail Sunday that Toney was driving to his house in Rusk when he rounded a curve and "didn’t make it." The truck rolled on top of him, the message said.


On Death Row, Toney relentlessly protested his 1999 conviction for the bombing, one of Tarrant County’s most notorious crimes. On Thanksgiving 1985, Angela Blount, 15; her father, Joe Blount, 44; and her cousin Michael Columbus, 18, died when a bomb in a briefcase exploded.


Susan Blount, Angela’s Blount’s mother, who survived the blast, said when contacted by the Star-Telegram on Sunday night that she had not been notified of Toney’s death. She said she still believes that Toney was guilty of the bombing.


"If this is Michael Toney who died, then I can finally say it is over with," she said. "And I don’t have to worry about Michael Toney anymore.  . . .  It is going to take me some time to process this."


The case went unsolved for 14 years until a Parker County jail inmate told authorities that Toney confessed while serving time there on unrelated charges. The prisoner soon recanted, saying he made up the story to win early release.


No physical evidence connected Toney to the bombing. He was convicted largely on the testimony of his ex-wife and former best friend, who said they saw him plant the bomb.


Another prisoner, who also later recanted, testified that Toney told him that he was paid $5,000 to plant the bomb but that he left it outside the wrong trailer.


Later, Toney’s defense team uncovered 14 documents that Tarrant County prosecutors withheld from his defense during the trial, including records suggesting that investigators may have crafted witnesses’ accounts.


His attorneys have called Toney’s conviction one of the most "egregious cases" they have seen.


In December, the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals overturned Toney’s conviction, saying his trial was unconstitutional because Tarrant County prosecutors improperly withheld evidence.


The Tarrant County district attorney’s office recused itself from the case. In September, the Texas attorney general dropped the charges against Toney but retained the option to retry the case after further evaluation of the evidence.


Toney was released from jail Sept. 2.


An official with Autry Funeral Home in Jacksonville confirmed Sunday that it is handling Toney’s funeral but that no dates have been set.


On Sunday, a supporter wrote in an e-mail that in his one month of freedom Toney was painting his house in Rusk. He had also bought a pickup and gotten a dog from an animal shelter.


"Michael really enjoyed living out in the country, and he was a country boy at heart," the e-mail said. "His future looked very promising."


Source(www.star-telegram.com)

Suspect Michael Toney's death won't end investigation of bombing, attorney general's office says


The Texas attorney general will continue to investigate the 1985 bombing deaths of three people in Lake Worth despite the weekend death of the main suspect, a spokesman said Monday.

Michael Roy Toney, whose 1999 conviction and death sentence for the bombing were overturned last year, died Saturday when his pickup crashed in East Texas, authorities said.

Toney’s conviction was overturned in December because Tarrant County prosecutors improperly withheld evidence favorable to his defense during his trial. The attorney general’s office began reviewing the case in January after the Tarrant County district attorney’s office recused itself.

Toney and his attorneys have long insisted that he was innocent and that the real bomber remained free.

Jerry Strickland, the attorney general spokesman, wrote in an e-mail Monday that the attorney general’s office "is fully committed to thoroughly investigating the 1985 murders.  . . . That investigation continues."

Asked whether the investigation could include the pursuit of other suspects, Strickland wrote that "evidence will dictate the direction in the case and possible suspects."

A spokeswoman for O’Melveny & Myers L.L.P., the California-based law firm that handled Toney’s successful appeal, said Tuesday that the firm declined to comment on the investigation.

However, relatives of the bombing victims remain steadfast in their belief that Toney was guilty. Susan Blount, whose daughter Angela Blount, 15, and husband Joe Blount, 44, died in the bombing, said she considers Toney’s death the end of the case.

"I don’t mean to bring religion into this, but God works in mysterious ways," Susan Blount said. "He got out of prison, and he should not have gotten out of the prison."

Toney was released from jail one month before his death. The attorney general’s office dropped the charges against him, saying it needed more time to examine the evidence. The attorney general’s office, however, retained the right to retry Toney later.

No physical evidence connected Toney to the bombing. He was convicted largely on the testimony of his ex-wife and former best friend, who said they saw him plant the bomb.

Another witness testified that Toney told him that he was paid $5,000 to deliver the bomb but that he left it outside the wrong trailer. That witness later recanted.

During an appeal, Toney’s defense team uncovered 14 documents that were withheld from his defense during the trial, including records suggesting that investigators could have crafted witnesses’ accounts.

Susan Blount said her son, Robert, who received serious burns in the bombing, was relieved that he did not have to testify at another trial.

Source(www.star-telegram.com)

Memo to Kay


Even someone who supports the death penalty, as you do, can and should be up in arms over the Cameron Willingham case.

Hey Senator Hutchison, would your campaign have any interest in painting your opponent, Governor Rick Perry, as a corrupt, cold-hearted political hack who will do anything to cover his ass when he looks like he did something really bad? I figured you might, so I drafted this memorandum to help you express your outrage at Perry’s latest actions. You know, how he fired three members of the Texas Forensic Science Commission on the eve of a meeting at which the commission would have heard an expert say, in so many words, that Texas, under the governor’s watch, had executed an innocent man. Even someone who supports the death penalty, as you do, can and should be up in arms over this. Here’s how.

First, just to recap: Cameron Todd Willingham was accused of setting a fire in Corsicana in 1991 that killed his three children. He was convicted on the testimony of two arson experts who said they found evidence the fire had been intentionally set. Willingham protested his innocence for years and finally found an ally in January 2004, when Gerald Hurst, an Austin fire investigator, analyzed the original arson report. Hurst was alarmed at the lack of hard science and scientific reasoning; his conclusion was that there had been no arson. The fire had been an accident. Hurst wrote up a report and faxed it to the Board of Pardons and Paroles, which unanimously turned Willingham down. Governor Perry did too, denying a stay of execution. On February 17, 2004, Willingham was executed.

Later that year the Chicago Tribune asked three other fire experts—John Lentini, John DeHaan, and Kendall Ryland—to analyze the evidence. They agreed with Hurst that there had been no arson. In 2006 the Innocence Project hired Lentini and three additional experts—Douglas Carpenter, Daniel Churchward, and David Smith—to look at the case. They concluded that “the evidence used to convict [Willingham] was invalid.” Willingham’s conviction and execution were, the report concluded, “a serious miscarriage of justice.”

The Texas Forensic Science Commission was formed in 2005 to look into bad or negligent forensic science; one of the first cases it vetted was Willingham’s. The FSC hired an additional expert, Craig Beyler, who concluded just this past August that the investigation of the Willingham fire “did not comport with” either modern standards or even those from 1992: “The investigators had poor understandings of fire science and failed to acknowledge or apply the contemporaneous understanding of the limitations of fire indicators. Their methodologies did not comport with the scientific method or the process of elimination. A finding of arson could not be sustained.” In other words, the fire was an accident. Therefore, Willingham didn’t set it. Therefore, Willingham was innocent of setting a fire that killed his three children.

Okay, that catches us up to the present. Last month, after the New Yorker published a long story on Willingham’s case that quoted Beyler, Hurst, and Lentini, Perry was asked about the case, and he said there was plenty of other evidence that Willingham had killed his kids. “I’m familiar with the latter-day supposed experts,” he said, using air quotes to mock their expertise. One thing you might do here, Kay, is go over the qualifications of the “experts” that Perry mocked. Just a thought, but it could be very effective. Consider Beyler’s C.V.

He got his Ph.D. in Engineering at Harvard, his M.S. in Mechanical Engineering at Cornell, his M.Sc. in Fire Safety Engineering from the University of Edinburgh, and his B.S. in Fire Protection Engineering from the University of Maryland. Since 1990 he has been the technical director at Hughes Associates, a world-renowned Baltimore engineering company that specializes in fires—how they get started, how they spread, how they react to different materials, how to fight them, how to protect against them. He’s the chair of the International Association for Fire Safety Science. He’s a member of the Society of Fire Protection Engineers Technical Steering Committee and the National Fire Protection Association’s Toxicity Technical Advisory Committee. He’s taught graduate courses in Combustion, Fire Dynamics, and Fire Chemistry. He’s won awards from the Institution of Fire Engineers, and the Society of Fire Protection Engineers. I would say that’s pretty impressive.

What about the other seven “latter-day supposed experts”? Glad you asked. Here’s where you could really drive the point home. Hurst got his Ph.D. in chemistry from Cambridge and has been investigating fires since 1994; Carpenter has been a fire-protection engineer and investigator since 1996; Churchward is a fire investigator who has worked as a deputy, firefighter, and insurance-company investigator since 1972; Lentini has been a certified fire investigator and chemist since 1978; Smith, a former detective, has been a certified fire investigator since 1971; DeHaan, Ph.D., has been an arson criminologist since 1987 and an independent forensic consultant since 1998; and Ryland is a Louisiana fire chief and former college professor.

So that’s your first line of attack, Senator, and I could see it being a real doozy if you play it right. But yesterday it got even better. You don’t get handed an opportunity like this every day: Two days before the FSC was to hear Beyler himself testify about his report—a report the commission paid for—Perry fired three of the nine members, including its chair, Sam Bassett, who had been on it since it began. (He also canned Alan Levy, an assistant district attorney in Tarrant County, and Aliece Watts, who worked in a forensic lab in Euless.) Their terms had expired on September 1, but Perry could have given them their pink slips any time over the previous month.

The stinkiest part of it all? Perry replaced Bassett with John Bradley, the super-prosecutor from Williamson County, whom Perry himself appointed to his post back in 2001 (he’s been elected several times since). Bradley is known as one of the state’s toughest prosecutors—in August his office charged a man who had accidentally killed his toddler by leaving him in a parked car; the aggrieved father could get a sentence of twenty years. And Bradley’s first act as head of the FSC? Why, it was to cancel Friday’s meeting, saying he needed to catch up on the case.

Let’s review: The governor appointed a previous political appointee of his to head a commission that was looking into whether the governor himself had overseen the execution of an innocent man, and the appointee canceled a meeting where it was to hear testimony from an expert who would have said that, yes, the executed man had committed no crime. Again, you don’t have to be against the death penalty to think that something is terribly wrong here. Unless you’re Rick Perry. Which you’re not. Right?

Source(www.texasmonthly.com)

Sunday, 4 October 2009

City of Corsicana Fire Department's Respons to the Texas Forensic Commission Report


Klick on the link or heading to get the City of Corsician Fire Department's Responce to the Texas Forencis Commition report by Dr. Craig Beyler on Todd Willingham.

click here to read it on DocStoc.

Source( stopexecutions.blogspot.com)

Saturday, 3 October 2009

Kerry Cook and Aliece Watts - Replaced Texas Forensic Science Commissioner On Todd Willingham


Kerry Cook and Aliece Watts - Replaced Texas Forensic Science Commissioner On Todd Willingham


Three ousted members of the Texas Forensic Science Commission said Thursday that their abrupt removal by Gov. Rick Perry this week could slow the pane


AUSTIN — Three ousted members of the Texas Forensic Science Commission said Thursday that their abrupt removal by Gov. Rick Perry this week could slow the panel’s efforts to determine if a flawed arson investigation led to the execution of an innocent man five years ago.

But Perry said the commission's inquiry will continue, telling reporters that his decision to replace the three commission members was part of the normal appointments process. Their terms expired Sept. 1.

Perry removed Chairman Sam Bassett and commission members Alan Levy and Aliece Watts on Wednesday, two days before the obscure panel was scheduled to discuss a forensic report challenging the arson findings that that led to Cameron Todd Willingham’s execution in 2004.

Willingham, of Corsicana, was found guilty in the deaths of his three daughters in a 1991 fire. Willingham said that he was asleep in his house when the fire started and denied that he deliberately killed his daughters.

In telephone interviews, the commission members who got the boot said they were surprised and disappointed with Perry’s decision to replace them and expressed concern that the shake-up could disrupt or at least slow the pace of the panel’s inquiry. Levy is a top prosecutor in the Tarrant County district attorney’s office. Watts, who lives in Burleson, is a forensic scientist at Integrated Forensic Laboratories in Euless. Bassett is an Austin attorney.

The panel had been scheduled to meet today in Irving to hear expert Craig Beyler, who authored the report challenging the conclusions of the arson investigation. The meeting was canceled after the dismissals.

Read the complete story at star-telegram.com

Source(www.mcclatchydc.com)

Barry Scheck on Todd Willingham and Rick Perry


Barry Scheck on Todd Willingham and Rick Perry


Look at this video here :







Rick Perry May have Violated Federal Law in Willingham Execution



Glenn Smith has a significant observation: Rick Perry may have violated federal law when he obstructed the investigation into the execution of Cameron Todd Willingham. The U.S. Justice Department is deadly serious about oversight of forensics investigations, and warned grant recipients that federal law -- specifically, U.S.C. 18.1001, would apply to grant recipients if the independence and integrity of forensics oversight was jeopardized.
When Gov. Rick Perry obstructed an investigation into the execution of a man experts say was innocent, he committed a crime against all Texans. State executions are carried out in our names, collectively and individually. Subverting the truth in such a matter is a betrayal of the public trust that is difficult to describe or comprehend.

But Perry may have also committed a crime against the U.S., and I'm not talking about his secession threats. He may have violated federal law, U.S.C. 18.1001. This is no trivial matter. An innocent man was executed. Federal laws and guidelines are in place to keep that from happening. Perry may well have violated those laws and guidelines, for which there are criminal penalties.

Smith goes into many more details and sites observations from pundits and statute. Perry at best showed he was unfit to govern any agency let alone Texas. At worst, he willingly covered up an ongoing investigation in the execution of an innocent man. As Glenn puts it, he "destroy[ed] the independence and integrity of a critical law enforcement agency to conceal material facts".

Justice should be done, even if it hasn't been in the case of Mr. Willingham.

Source(www.burntorangereport.com)

Dr Beyler’s Report




Below(link) is the full text of the report prepared by Dr. Craig Beyler for the Texas Forensic Science Commission entitled, “Analysis of the Fire Investigation Methods and Procedures Used in the Criminal Arson Cases Against Ernest Ray Willis and Cameron Todd Willingham“.

Source(camerontoddwillingham.com)

Perry's forensic panel move smacks of politics




Austin lawyer Sam Bassett got the call late Tuesday from Doris Scott, Gov. Rick Perry's appointments manager.


“She said ‘Thanks for your service, he's making new appointments to the commission and taking it in a new direction,'” Bassett recalled.


The panel Bassett had chaired, the Texas Forensic Science Commission, had a meeting scheduled today to review a nationally renowned fire science expert's report about arson evidence in a Corsicana murder case.


The case ended in the conviction and execution, on Feb. 17, 2004, of Cameron Todd Willingham, by lethal injection, for the murder of his children, 1-year-old twins Karmon and Kameron, and Amber, who was 2. All three died in a fire at their home in December 1991.


The report by Baltimore fire science expert Craig Beyler, released in August, found that expert testimony used to convince a jury that Willingham had murdered his children by burning their house down was rooted in bad science. On Tuesday, three days before it was to be discussed, Perry removed Bassett and two other members of the commission, an advisory panel that reviews scientific evidence used in court.


Perry, now engaged in a GOP primary battle with Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison in his bid for re-election, had denied Willingham's bid for a stay of execution. Negative fallout from that decision wouldn't have been good for his campaign.


The governor said through a spokeswoman that there was other compelling evidence in the case, including inconsistencies in Willingham's statements to authorities. He remains convinced that Willingham killed his children.


Bassett hadn't said anything publicly about Beyler's report but had read the expert trial testimony.


“Given what Dr. Beyler wrote, and given what my intuition told me, I thought the testimony was — flawed might be a good word,” Bassett said. “I thought the testimony was not substantiated by the science at the time and not by what we know now.”


Keith Hampton, vice president of the Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers Association, went further. He said the purpose of the commission — to establish reliable scientific standards for expert testimony — had been undermined to avoid embarrassment.


“I think the whole thing is actually very tragic because we at long last have a way of injecting real science into our courtrooms,” he said, “and that's being stymied for short-term political concerns.”


Perry said the commissioners' terms expired Sept. 1 and that the changes were routine. The panel's mission, said spokeswoman Katherine Cesinger, “remains the same.”


Maybe by March, Republican voters won't care about this. That seems to be Perry's bet. But they also might realize that this isn't about whether the death penalty is right or wrong. It's about whether it's worth the trouble to get these cases right.


In that respect, my sense is that most Texans pride themselves on being stand-up, straight-shooting people, tough on crime but fair-minded and deliberate in dispensing justice.


Gov. Perry, it seems, decided to go in a different direction.


Source(www.mysanantonio.com)

Exonerated Former Death Row Inmate Kerry Cook Speaks About Todd Willingham


The state of Texas faces an embarrassing predicament. A report criticizing the evidence that led to the execution of a Corsicana man was supposed to be presented today in front of a state panel in Las Colinas. But last minute changes by the governor cancelled the hearing.

The report could ultimately force Texas to be the first state in the nation to admit it executed an innocent man.

Cameron Todd Willingham was put to death for setting fire to his Corsicana home in 1991. The fire killed his three little girls.

Five years after he died from lethal injection, Willingham's execution is receiving national attention. At the KRLD studios in Dallas former death row inmate Kerry Cook took to the airwaves Friday, demanding that the state fess up.

"I think it's a mistake. I think it's going to backfire. I believe the state of Texas and its people do care about the execution of an innocent person. I'm glad to see this controversy."

Cook was released from death row in 1997 after the evidence that convicted him of rape and murder was discredited. He's now part of a growing movement that believes Texas must right a terrible wrong.

"We should be able to have the same logic and reasoning and courage and integrity to acknowledge that we made a mistake."

The controversy elevated this week after Governor Rick Perry abruptly removed three members from the Texas Forensic Science Commission.

The commission was supposed to discuss the findings of a report by Dr. Craig Beyler; one of the nation's top arson experts. Dr. Beyler was hired by the commission and was scheduled to appear Friday before the panel in Las Colinas.

The report is highly critical of the arson investigation in the Willingham case. It concluded that the evidence lacked scientific backing. Dr. Beyler's report could be quite damning to Governor Perry since he was in office in 2004 when Willingham was put to death.

Aliece watts is a forensic scientist from burleson and was one of the three people removed from the commission.

"I'm very frustrated and upset as well… I believe this was political. I think it was a tactic by the governor to delay the release of this report and to delay this investigation."

Governor Perry says replacing the board members is standard practice when their terms are nearly up. His new choice to head the commission is Williamson County DA John Bradley, who has promised to "Let the facts lead us to wherever they do."

Friday's cancelled meeting has yet to be rescheduled.

Source(Texas Moratorium Network's Notes)

Is Texas Governor Rick Perry Trying to Cover Up Execution of Innocent Man on His Watch


Is Texas Governor Rick Perry Trying to Cover Up Execution of Innocent Man on His Watch


From TMN: Video from CNN's Anderson Cooper 360 on Todd Willingham:








Suspicious Shakeup in Texas


On Wednesday, Texas Gov. Rick Perry dismissed three members of the Texas Forensic Science Commission, including the chairperson.

His timing was extremely suspicious, to say the least.

The commission was set to hear testimony today from an arson expert it had hired, Craig L. Beyler, who reviewed the “expert” arson testimony used in 1992 to convict Cameron Todd Willingham of killing his three children by setting their house on fire. In a detailed report (PDF), Beyler recently criticized the “expert” arson opinions used to convict Willingham as "nothing more than a collection of personal beliefs that have nothing to do with science-based fire investigation." Beyler’s conclusions, which echo the findings of eight forensic arson specialists who have looked at the case, make it abundantly clear that Willingham, executed by the State of Texas in 2004 under Gov. Perry’s watch, was almost certainly innocent.

The governor had compelling information back in 2004 that Willingham’s conviction was based on junk science, but he ignored it and allowed the execution to go forward. Last month, he expressed confidence that Willingham was guilty and disparaged Beyler and the other experts who have reached a different, science-based conclusion.

Then on Wednesday, he announced he was replacing three of the commission’s members, and chose a Texas prosecutor as the new chairperson. This change delays Beyler’s testimony and any other expert findings from his investigation until after the upcoming gubernatorial election.

Gov. Perry said that the change was “business as usual.” Unfortunately, his words ring all too true. Willingham is not the first likely innocent person executed by the State of Texas. Others include Carlos De Luna and Ruben Cantu. But the state has never acknowledged any of these tragic mistakes.

Business as usual, all right.

Source(blog.aclu.org)


ACLU Client Shackled During Labor In Arkansas


NEW YORK – Ruling in the case of an Arkansas woman who was shackled to her hospital bed while in labor in 2003, a federal appeals court today said that constitutional protections against shackling pregnant women during labor had been clearly established by decisions of the Supreme Court and the lower courts. This is the first time a circuit court has made such a determination. The full Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals made the ruling today in the case of ACLU client Shawanna Nelson.

"This is a historic decision by a U.S. Court of Appeals that affirms the dignity of all women and mothers in America," said Elizabeth Alexander, Director of the American Civil Liberties Union"s National Prison Project. "Correctional officials across the country are now on notice that they can no longer engage in this widespread practice."

Nelson was a 29-year-old non-violent offender who was six months pregnant with her second child when she was incarcerated by the Arkansas Department of Corrections (ADOC) in June 2003. Three months later, after going into labor, she was taken to a local hospital where correctional officers shackled her legs to opposite sides of the bed. Nelson remained shackled to the bed for several hours of labor until she was finally taken to the delivery room.

The shackles caused Nelson cramps and intense pain, as she could not adjust her position during contractions. She was unshackled during delivery, but was immediately re-shackled after the birth of her son. After childbirth, the use of shackles caused her to soil the sheets of her bed because she could not be unshackled quickly enough to get to a bathroom.

"Restraining a pregnant woman can pose undue health risks to the woman and her pregnancy," said Diana Kasdan, staff attorney with the ACLU Reproductive Freedom Project. "Today"s decision reaffirms that pregnant women in prison do not lose their right to safe and humane treatment."

Nelson filed a federal civil rights lawsuit against ADOC and several ADOC officials, and a federal district court judge ruled that a jury should decide whether her treatment violated the constitution. A three-judge panel of the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, however, dismissed Nelson"s case by ruling that her shackling was not unconstitutional. The ACLU represented Nelson in a subsequent hearing before the full Eighth Circuit Court which found that legal precedent clearly establishes the constitutional protections against shackling pregnant women in labor, paving the way for Nelson"s lawsuit to go to trial.

"Shackling pregnant women is not only dangerous it is inhumane," said Rita Sklar, Executive Director of the ACLU of Arkansas. "The importance of this decision cannot be overstated."

The National Perinatal Association, American College of Nurse Midwives, American Medical Women"s Association, the Rebecca Project for Human Rights and dozens of other public health and advocacy organizations that are dedicated to protecting the health and rights of women and their children also opposed the prison's shackling of Nelson.

A copy of today"s ruling by the Eighth Circuit is available online at: www.aclu.org/prison/medical/41232lgl20091002.html

Source(www.aclu.org)

One man's quest for vindication

Picture: Jack White, a former counsellor for the developmentally disabled, stands outside his lawyer's office downtown. The Association in Defence of the Wrongly Convicted is working to get his sex-assault conviction overturned.

Jack White spent nearly 25 years working with residents of a home for the developmentally disabled and his community volunteer activities earned him recognition by the federal government.

But his reputation was ruined in little more than two hours when a jury, after a 62-minute trial plus deliberations, convicted him of sexual assault in 1993.

Now, nearly 16 years later, White's little-known story is attracting the attention of Canada's premier advocacy group for the wrongly convicted, as well as a Conservative MP. They want the Supreme Court of Canada to reopen White's case, sending it to the Ontario Court of Appeal in Toronto for a rehearing.

"It is very clear a miscarriage (of justice) has occurred here and his conviction should be overturned," Bruce Stanton, MP for Simcoe North, told the Star in an interview Monday from Ottawa.

"The guy is just salt of the earth. He is an upstanding citizen. He would never hurt anybody. That's not just my opinion," Stanton added, "it is attested to in the bulk of the evidence."

Documents filed in the Supreme Court of Canada by the Toronto-based Association in Defence of the Wrongly Convicted suggest White, convicted of sexually assaulting a female resident at the Huronia Regional Centre in Orillia, was the victim of retaliation by longtime staff members and their relatives, who were angry he assisted police in the early 1990s with their investigation into the death of a resident nearly 40 years earlier and that he had co-authored a report critical of the harsh treatment of residents by several "ex-biker type" counsellors.

One counsellor wrote to the institution's administrator expressing disgust with the report and threatened White personally, according to court documents.

After being convicted, White, 64, lost his counselling position, was fired from a subsequent job as a Red Cross homemaker and couldn't make his mortgage payments.

Financial help from friends enabled him to keep a roof over his head. White has since found work as a custodian at an Orillia mall.

Pardoned by the National Parole Board three years ago, he still wants to clear his name.

"It means a lot to me to fight for this right. The allegations did not happen," White said in an interview Monday at lawyer James Lockyer's office. "It's totally against my morals."

He wanted to testify at his trial, but his lawyer, Brian Turnbull, didn't call him as a witness and made little use of material that cast doubt on the credibility of the Crown's chief witness.

A report by Toronto defence lawyer John Rosen concludes Turnbull, who had just four years' experience as a lawyer and is now deceased, deprived White of his right to effective assistance of counsel.

Perhaps the most unusual aspect of White's story is that although he was not disabled, he spent 12 years as a resident at Huronia himself, starting at age 9.

After his birth, at Toronto General Hospital, he was placed with a foster family. Years later, his foster mother said authorities believed because he was hyper at school, he was incapable of learning.

White was placed in what was then known as the Ontario Hospital School in Orillia and grew up alongside residents, many with severe cognitive disabilities, whom he considered brothers and sisters.

White was released at 21, found work as a cook, and completed Grades 5 to 12. Later, on a visit to Huronia, a former attendant suggested he apply for a job.

Some longtime staff resented that a former resident was now working alongside them, White said.

In 1993, a fellow counsellor claimed that in 1989, White had fondled the breast of a resident when he was assisting her in the shower and used crude language to describe her physique.

Source(www.thestar.com)

Friday, 2 October 2009

Is Perry pulling a Nixon?




It would be a dangerous political liability for any candidate: The possibility that, as governor, Rick Perry presided over the execution of an innocent man


Yet, that's the prospect raised in recent years by several arson experts and exhaustive national media reports in the case of Cameron Todd Willingham. Maintaining his innocence until the end, Willingham was executed in 2004 for the deaths of his three small children in a blaze that destroyed their Corsicana home in 1991.


Media reports by outlets such as the Chicago Tribune and the The New Yorker may have been easy for Perry to dismiss, or ignore. And likewise, perhaps, was last year's investigation by five experts commissioned by the New York-based Innocence Project, which found arson testimony at Willingham's trial to be based on outdated and invalid investigative criteria.


But brushing off the bruising findings of Craig Beyler proved more difficult. Beyler, a nationally known fire science expert, was commissioned not by a newspaper or an advocacy group, but by a state commission chaired by Perry's own political appointee.


So, when Beyler concluded recently there was no credible scientific evidence to support the finding that the Willingham fire was arson, and likened the investigative methods used to folklore and mysticism rather than science, it appears that the governor had to find a way to silence him.


At first, Perry tried to discredit Beyler, using air quotes in an interview with The Dallas Morning News two weeks ago to refer to “latter-day supposed experts” who have cast doubt on Willingham's conviction.


Then, this week, days before Beyler was scheduled to present his findings to the Texas Forensic Science Commission in a public meeting Friday, Perry made a move so blatantly political that it was stunning even for a candidate locked in a tight primary battle.


He canned the commission's chairman, Sam Bassett, his own two-term appointee, and replaced him with a new chairman who promptly canceled Friday's meeting on the Beyler report.


“Is it true?” the Innocence Project's Barry Scheck asked me when I called him for comment, unable to believe it himself.


Scheck likened the move to President Richard Nixon's infamous attempts to oust a special prosecutor investigating Watergate.


“It's a Saturday night massacre, pure and simple,” Scheck said. “If you don't like the evidence, you just get rid of the judges.”


For the record, the commission wasn't even weighing the issue of whether Willingham was wrongfully executed, but simply the validity of the arson testimony in his trial. To be sure, Willingham was an unsavory character, but even the prosecutor in his case, who stands by the conviction, has acknowledged that the forensic report was “undeniably flawed.”


In addition to the dismissal of Sam Bassett, Perry's office also informed two others on the nine-member commission — a prosecutor and a forensics expert — that their services were no longer needed.


Bassett, an Austin defense attorney for 21 years, wouldn't speculate as to Perry's motives, but he told me he'd had previous discussions with Perry staffers who “were concerned about the investigations we were conducting.”


He said he has no regrets and no doubts about Beyler's credibility. Bassett said he hoped the commission would “remain independent of any political or ideological forces from either side,” although he's disappointed that Perry's move will slow down the commission's efforts to shed light on troubling forensics investigations in Willingham's case and others.


“I hope the commission doesn't stop doing its work just because issues might be difficult,” he said. “That's the job we were asked to do.”


It's part of the job we asked Perry to do, too. To uphold the laws of the state, and act in the interest of justice, not against it. To do the right thing, even when it's politically difficult.


Perry's denial of Willingham's request for a stay of execution five years ago is one thing. Yes, Perry should have given the courts time to review reports that raised doubts about evidence in the case.


But the governor's removal of dedicated public servants, apparently for being too diligent, too thorough, in revealing truths that happen to be inconvenient to his re-election bid, is an outrageous affront to the duties of his office.


Source(www.chron.com)

Wednesday, 30 September 2009

DNA Testing and Unresolved Questions in Tommy Arthur's Case


By Special to The Birmingham News
September 27, 2009, 5:33AM

Once again, Tommy Arthur is about to receive an execution date. And once again, state Attorney General Troy King is standing in the way of DNA testing that could prove Arthur’s guilt or innocence.

It is a familiar — and troubling — series of events. Four times, Arthur has been scheduled to die, only to have a court step in and stop his execution. The state then spends weeks or months fighting efforts for DNA testing, and courts eventually set another execution date.

This time, the state attorney general wants everyone to believe that DNA testing has been conducted and that it somehow confirms Arthur’s guilt. That’s not true.

What is true is that not a single piece of physical evidence ties Arthur to the 1982 murder of Troy Wicker. The evidence against him boils down to the testimony of Wicker’s wife, who was sentenced to life in prison for killing her husband — but pointed the finger at Arthur in exchange for a reduced sentence.

It’s true that some DNA testing was finally conducted this summer. But the test results neither implicate nor exonerate Arthur. Testing on Judy Wicker’s clothing revealed only her husband’s semen; the hair was not tested. On one other piece of evidence, a wig apparently worn by whoever killed Troy Wicker, DNA testing could not yield a profile.

Ordinarily, when initial testing does not yield a profile, scientists conduct other, more sophisticated types of DNA testing. We have done this time and again at the Innocence Project, and the more sophisticated testing often yields a profile that can confirm guilt or prove innocence. In Arthur’s case, the state is blocking any further DNA testing.

Unfortunately, a rape kit from the case was destroyed years ago — a fact the state only revealed a few months ago. It is gone and cannot be subjected to DNA testing. This underscores the need to conduct all possible testing on the remaining evidence.

The state and courts have agreed that DNA testing could shed light on the case, but then stopped well short of conducting the very testing that could actually yield a profile.

To be sure, Arthur’s case is a complicated one. In July, a prison inmate came forward and claimed he killed Troy Wicker. Against the state’s objections, a court ordered DNA testing to show whether the inmate’s story was true. Arthur’s attorneys pursued the DNA testing, unsure whether the inmate’s story was true — but certain that full DNA testing has the potential to shed light on the case.

The attorney general wants everyone to think Arthur’s requests for DNA testing are a new, last-minute effort to avoid execution. In fact, Arthur has been asking for DNA testing since 2002.

DNA testing could show whether Judy Wicker’s initial story (that a man broke into the Wicker home, raped her and killed her husband) was true; it is entirely possible that she was telling the truth at first but lied after she was convicted. Testing could also show that someone else, hired by Judy Wicker or not, committed the crime. Full DNA testing could yield a profile that can be compared to evidence from other, similar crimes and apprehend a serial rapist or murderer.

It is also, of course, possible that full DNA testing could implicate Arthur. If that happened, serious questions about this case would be resolved, and the public would not be left wondering how a man can be executed without a trace of physical evidence connecting him to the crime.

Until then, there is every reason to wonder — to wonder whether Arthur is guilty, and why the state is so determined to block full DNA testing that could resolve this once and for all.

Jason Kreag is a staff attorney at the Innocence Project, which is affiliated with the Cardozo School of Law. For more information, go to www.innocenceproject.org

Perry replaces head of commission probing arson case


By ALLAN TURNER Copyright 2009 Houston Chronicle
Sept. 30, 2009, 2:06PM

In a surprise move, Gov. Rick Perry today appointed two new members to a state commission investigating case of a Corsicana man who some believe was wrongly executed for murdering his children — forcing the cancellation of a meeting on the case scheduled for Friday.

Named to head the Texas Forensic Science Commission was John Bradley, district attorney in Williamson County. Bradley cancelled Friday's meeting at which the panel was to accept fire expert Craig Beyler's analysis of arson investigators' work in the deadly December 1991 house fire.

Three children perished in the blaze. Their father, Cameron Todd Willingham, was convicted of capital murder and executed.

Bradley, who has been his county's chief prosecutor since December 2001, said he called off Friday's meeting because he didn't have adequate time to study the arson case.

Beyler's report was extremely critical of the investigations by Corsicana and state arson investigators, concluding they based their arson ruling on outdated and sloppy procedures.

Beyler's was the third review to fault the arson investigators.

Outgoing commission chairman, Sam Bassett, an Austin defense lawyer, expressed “disappointment” at Perry's timing in the naming of new commissioners, but noted, “I understand that I serve at the pleasure of Gov. Perry.”

Also replaced were commission members Alan Levy, head of the Tarrant County District Attorney's criminal division, and Aliece Watts, quality director at Euless-based Integrated Forensic Laboratories.

Perry named Norma Farley, chief forensic pathologist for Cameron and Hidalgo counties to the panel, and will name a third member in the near future.

A spokeswoman for the commission, which is headquartered at Sam Houston State University in Huntsville, said the outgoing members' two-year terms technically expired on Sept. 1.

Spokesmen for Perry's office did not offer immediate comments on the timing of the appointments.

Levy, who, like Bassett, had served four years on the panel, called Perry's timing on the appointments “unfortunate.”

“It will raise suspicions whether they are justified or not,” he said. “This is a very important case. What this is going to do is raise the temperature, and that will not be a good thing.”

allan.turner@chron.com

Thursday, 17 September 2009

Will Proof That Texas Executed an Innocent Man Change People's Minds On the Death Penalty?


Cameron Todd Willingham's last words were: "I have been persecuted 12 years for something I didn't do."

Cameron Todd Willingham's last words were: "I have been persecuted 12 years for something I didn't do." And now, five years after he was executed by the state of Texas, Willingham is probably as close to an exoneration as he’ll ever get. The blogs and news media have been filled with commentary about the revelation that Willingham was most likely innocent when he was executed, and it’s renewing calls for an examination of the death penalty in this country.

In The Hill blog, John Feehery writes:

Without getting into all of the facts in this particular case, it is clear that we live with an imperfect justice system. The system makes mistakes. Wrong people are accused and convicted. Witnesses sometimes misremember the facts, and sometimes they lie for their own self-interest. Sometimes cops make mistakes, and sometimes prosecutors reach the wrong conclusions.
But the death penalty, when carried out, is always perfect. It always kills the target, and kills the target permanently. And once you kill the accused, you can’t really turn back the clock. If the system turns out to be wrong, as it does on occasion, saying you are sorry doesn’t do much good.

The Los Angeles Times reports that a new study by University of California, Santa Cruz, professor Craig Haney finds that support for the death penalty among Californians is down:

A majority of Californians still favor the death penalty, but their support has waned from 79% to 66% over the last two decades as fears of executing the wrongly convicted escalate, a researcher reported Tuesday.
…Support for the death penalty plunged to 26% when respondents were offered the alternative of guaranteed life imprisonment and the requirement that the offender work to pay restitution to victims and their families, Haney said.

Jonah Lehrer offered this fascinating meditation on the injustice of Willingham’s execution in the Daily Dish:

These stories of a failed justice are important, and not just because they expose specific errors…Instead, I think these harrowing tales need to be told because they contradict a powerful moral intuition we all share, which can unfortunately lead us to turn a blind eye: Because we believe in justice, we ignore stories of injustice.

Finally, the Philadelphia Inquirer brought the argument back to present-day by comparing Willingham’s case to that of Troy Davis:

Davis’ and Willingham’s cases again raise strong questions about capital punishment and whether it can ever be fairly administered, especially when the defendant is poor or a minority, like Davis, and statistically more likely to get a death sentence.
…The risk of a wrongful execution is simply too great to continue with capital punishment.

Davis’s case was recently reviewed by the U.S. Supreme Court, and sent back to a lower court for the evidentiary hearing he’s been asking for all along. Hopefully Georgia will learn a lesson from Texas, and give Davis the chance at life that Willingham never had.

source(www.alternet.org)

Innocent but Dead


There is a long and remarkable article in the current New Yorker about a man who was executed in Texas in 2004 for deliberately setting a fire that killed his three small children. Rigorous scientific analysis has since shown that there was no evidence that the fire in a one-story, wood frame house in Corsicana was the result of arson, as the authorities had alleged.

In other words, it was an accident. No crime had occurred.

Cameron Todd Willingham, who refused to accept a guilty plea that would have spared his life, and who insisted until his last painful breath that he was innocent, had in fact been telling the truth all along.

It was inevitable that some case in which a clearly innocent person had been put to death would come to light. It was far from inevitable that this case would be the one. “I was extremely skeptical in the beginning,” said the New Yorker reporter, David Grann, who began investigating the case last December.

The fire broke out on the morning of Dec. 23, 1991. Willingham was awakened by the cries of his 2-year-old daughter, Amber. Also in the house were his year-old twin girls, Karmon and Kameron. The family was poor, and Willingham’s wife, Stacy, had gone out to pick up a Christmas present for the children from the Salvation Army.

Willingham said he tried to rescue the kids but was driven back by smoke and flames. At one point his hair caught fire. As the heat intensified, the windows of the children’s room exploded and flames leapt out. Willingham, who was 23 at the time, had to be restrained and eventually handcuffed as he tried again to get into the room.

There was no reason to believe at first that the fire was anything other than a horrible accident. But fire investigators, moving slowly through the ruined house, began seeing things (not unlike someone viewing a Rorschach pattern) that they interpreted as evidence of arson.

They noticed deep charring at the base of some of the walls and patterns of soot that made them suspicious. They noticed what they felt were ominous fracture patterns in pieces of broken window glass. They had no motive, but they were convinced the fire had been set. And if it had been set, who else but Willingham would have set it?

With no real motive in sight, the local district attorney, Pat Batchelor, was quoted as saying, “The children were interfering with his beer drinking and dart throwing.”

Willingham was arrested and charged with capital murder.

When official suspicion fell on Willingham, eyewitness testimony began to change. Whereas initially he was described by neighbors as screaming and hysterical — “My babies are burning up!” — and desperate to have the children saved, he now was described as behaving oddly, and not having made enough of an effort to get to the girls.

And you could almost have guaranteed that a jailhouse snitch would emerge. They almost always do. This time his name was Johnny Webb, a jumpy individual with a lengthy arrest record who would later admit to being “mentally impaired” and on medication, and who had started taking illegal drugs at the age of 9.

The jury took barely an hour to return a guilty verdict, and Willingham was sentenced to death.

He remained on death row for 12 years, but it was only in the weeks leading up to his execution that convincing scientific evidence of his innocence began to emerge. A renowned scientist and arson investigator, Gerald Hurst, educated at Cambridge and widely recognized as a brilliant chemist, reviewed the evidence in the Willingham case and began systematically knocking down every indication of arson.

The authorities were unmoved. Willingham was executed by lethal injection on Feb. 17, 2004.

Now comes a report on the case from another noted scientist, Craig Beyler, who was hired by a special commission, established by the state of Texas to investigate errors and misconduct in the handling of forensic evidence.

The report is devastating, the kind of disclosure that should send a tremor through one’s conscience. There was absolutely no scientific basis for determining that the fire was arson, said Beyler. No basis at all. He added that the state fire marshal who investigated the case and testified against Willingham “seems to be wholly without any realistic understanding of fires.” He said the marshal’s approach seemed to lack “rational reasoning” and he likened it to the practices “of mystics or psychics.”

Grann told me on Monday that when he recently informed the jailhouse snitch, Johnny Webb, that new scientific evidence would show that the fire wasn’t arson and that an innocent man had been killed, Webb seemed taken aback. “Nothing can save me now,” he said.

Source(times.com)

Florida County Crime Labs Feeling the Heat


It has been a rough August for a few of Florida’s county-run crime labs. First, last week we found out that the Broward County Sheriff’s Office Crime Lab is having a bit of financial difficulty:

The crime lab has been in operation in Broward since 1969, but with the state of the economy, auditors and county commissioners are searching for funds to keep it going.

Evidently, they don’t have the money to pay for the lab’s $7 million budget, especially with the State of Florida only subsidizing 13% percent of that budget. One option was to charge local law enforcement agencies for use of the lab’s services. Another, is to turn the lab over to the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and let them run it. However, the local Sheriff wants none of that:

Lamberti said it’s essential that the crime lab stay in Broward, for the sake of solving crimes before it’s too late.

He points to the recent case of a Taco Bell manager found dead in an Oakland Park restaurant. About the only thing Lamvberti’s detectives had to go on were fingerprints on a cup left at the scene.

“The closest state lab to Broward County is Fort Meyers. The evidence would have had to been transported there, analyzed,” Lamberti said. “It would have been weeks before we got those finger prints back.”

The lab lifted the prints, and the BSO had a suspect nabbed in the same day, before he could run.

“Within 21 hours we had the evidence analyzed, mainly finger prints, and we had the suspect in custody, all within 21 hours,” Lamberti said.

A little criminal fear mongering solves every problem. But this raises the question of which would be better, a better funded State lab that has more moving parts and may be less efficient or a locally controlled but cash strapped lab able to more timely respond to criminal investigative needs. Well, with this news from last week as evidence, maybe law enforcement-run labs, whether local or state, are really the problem:

Fourteen months after the DNA match, the rape suspect, Edward Mozie, would be arrested in a separate case for murdering Christine Myers in Sunrise.

Records show the DNA match sent by CODIS — the national DNA database — to MDPD on July 18, 2004 would have linked Edward Mozie to a rape on January 18, 2004 in Northwest Miami-Dade. The Florida Department of Law Enforcement confirms it received a copy of the notification on that date.

However, in a memo obtained by the CBS4 I-Team, MDPD says it has no record of the match being received by the department’s Crime Lab at that time. That means the information never got passed along to MDPD detectives who were looking for the rapist in the Northwest Miami-Dade attack.

Mozie was arrested on September 20, 2005 by the Sunrise Police Department for the murder of 18-year-old Christine Myers — 14 months after the DNA match that should have led to his arrest on a rape charge.

So did FDLE get the match and not pass it on to Miami Dade PD or did MDPD get it but not pass it onto investigators? Evidently, it is no one’s fault, or at least all agencies are covering their behinds to avoid obvious responsibility for a woman’s death. The FBI says they sent the match. FDLE says they got a copy of the match on the same day (even though they had the rapists DNA in the databse since 1997 and could have provided the match), and MDPD says they never received it.

Whatever way you cut it, this illuminates the problems with law enforcement-run labs. They are inefficient. And they are subjectively biased instead of scientifically objective because they work for the agency whose job it is to put people in prison.

The easiest way to solve this issue would be to make these government run labs independent from law enforcement agencies. While there is absolutely no chance of that happening in Florida, it should be the goal.

Source(floridainnocence.org)

Tuesday, 8 September 2009

DNA Tests Prove Broward Man Innocent


Yesterday, DNA results were released in the case of Anthony Caravella, a mentally retarded man who was convicted at the young age of 15 of raping and murdering Ada Jankowski in Miramar, Broward County, Florida. Paula McMahon of the South Florida Sun Sentinel reports:

“This means Anthony is innocent, it exonerates him,” said Diane Cuddihy, the Broward chief assistant public defender who reopened Caravella’s case and has been working on it since 2001.

The test, performed by a private lab in Richmond, Calif., eliminated Caravella as a potential source for the sperm found inside the Miramar victim’s body 26 years ago.

The test yielded the DNA profile of an unidentified male that could be checked against genetic databases to see if there’s a match with anyone on file.

While the State will likely argue that this evidence got there through some innocent means, let’s be clear about what we have here. The State convicted Caravella of stabbing the victim to death and raping her in the meantime, despositing his semen inside of her during the crime. Their own lab, in 1983, identified sperm on a swab of material taken from the victim’s vagina. Now, 25 years later, Forensic Science Associates, one of the best private labs in the nation, found some sperm cells on a slide made from the same swab, extracted the DNA from those sperm cells and determined, conclusively, that the sperm could not have come from Anthony Caravella. So we tested the perps sperm and it doesn’t match the defendant, so it means the defendant is not the perp. It is as simple as that, no matter how much the State may try to confuse the issue.

From a scientific standpoint, what is interesting is that when the local crime lab had a crack at this evidence, they got no DNA result. In fact, the Broward County Sheriff’s Office Crime Lab, didn’t even detect semen, despite the fact that lab analysts did see sperm on the tested vaginal swab in 1983.

Everyone in the local law enforcement community is baffled, but should any of us really be surprised at this point? Another point about government-run crime labs that we didn’t mention in our post the other day is that, for unknown reasons, they just are not as good as independent private labs at getting DNA results in these challenging old cases. Maybe it is because the scientist is not as experienced. Or they did not painstakingly search on the slide for microscopically visible sperm cells. Or maybe they just don’t view the importance of the case in the same way as a private lab would. Who knows. All we know is that time and time again, private labs succeed where government-run crime labs have failed.

What we do know, is that when the prosecutor Carolyn McCann says that they need to review the methods of the private lab because the result doesn’t comport with what her lab found, while certainly necessary, she is really only trying to intimate that something is amiss in an attempt to delegitimize the perfectly legit results. The only thing that is amiss, is that we now know a guy has spent 25 years in prison for a crime he didn’t commit and no one, except his attorney, is trying to rip down the prison walls to free him.

Another important point about this case, which I suspect will be the focus of ongoing conversations about this case, is Mr. Caravella’s mental retardation (IQ of 67) and how that, combined with coercive and suggestive interrogation methods by law enforcement, led to what DNA results show was a false confession. As we have documented in our policy section of our website, false confessions contributed to a wrongful conviction in about 25% of the DNA exoneration cases nationwide. One of those cases, that of Jerry Frank Townsend, makes this case more troubling because both are Broward cases, both involve law enforcement suggestively interrogating a mentally retarded person until they confess and using that false confession to close cases, and both cases may even involve at least one of the same law enforcement officers.

Congratulations to Mr. Caravella and Diane Cuddihy, his long time attorney for this result. IPF has been in touch with Ms. Cuddihy for a while and will let you know about new developments in this case when they happen. When Caravella is exonerated, he will be the 243rd DNA exoneree nationwide, the 11th in Florida, and the 4th in Broward County alone. Hopefully, the State will do the right thing and right this wrong before too long.

Source(floridainnocence.org)

DNA Testing Once Again Clears Wrongly Imprisoned Man

Mentally retarded suspect was coerced into confession, defense says

After serving 26 years in prison, it appears that Anthony Caravella did not rape and murder a 58-year-old woman in 1983.

A recent DNA test determined that the 41-year-old mentally retarded man with an IQ of 67 did not ejaculate his sperm into the victim.

So now Broward prosecutors are planning to ask a judge to release him under some form of supervision, according to the South Florida Sun Sentinel.

Defense attorneys were not surprised by the findings, claiming the then-15-year-old boy was coerced into a confession. In fact, he gave five contradictory confessions before police were satisfied with their evidence.

Prosecutors were so confident he was guilty they demanded the death penalty. But the jury voted against it.

The DNA found on Ada Cox Jankowski belongs to a still unidentified man. Investigators plan to run it through local and national databases to see if they find a match.

This is not the first time DNA has cleared a mentally disabled man who served time in prison after questionable confessions for rapes and murders committed in South Florida.

In 1993, schizophrenic John Purvis, 52, was released from prison after serving nine years in prison after DNA cleared him of murdering a mother and her baby.

In 1998, Jerry Frank Townsend, who has the mental capacity of an 8-year-old, was released from prison after serving 22 years when DNA testing proved he did not commit six murders and one rape.

And in 2000, a DNA test exonerated Frank Lee Smith, who had been sentenced to death for raping and killing an 8-year-old girl. However, he had already died of cancer in 1999 after serving 14 years on death row.

In fact, there have been many men throughout the country cleared of heinous crimes after DNA testing exonerated them, including the man who served 25 years in prison as Miami’s Bird Road Rapist.

Source(www.nbcmiami.com)

Sunday, 6 September 2009

Not Innocent Enough


The elusive search for the sufficiently innocent death-row victim.

For years, death-penalty opponents and supporters have been on what now looks to be an ethical snipe hunt. Everyone was looking for a moment at which everything would change: a case in which a clearly innocent defendant was wrongly put to death.

In a 2005 Supreme Court case that actually had nothing to do with the execution of innocents, Justices David Souter and Antonin Scalia locked horns over the possibility that such a creature could even exist. Souter fretted that "the period starting in 1989 has seen repeated exonerations of convicts under death sentences, in numbers never imagined before the development of DNA tests." To which Scalia retorted: "[T]he dissent makes much of the new-found capacity of DNA testing to establish innocence. But in every case of an executed defendant of which I am aware, that technology has confirmed guilt." Scalia went on to blast "sanctimonious" death-penalty opponents, a 1987 study on innocent exonerations whose "obsolescence began at the moment of publication," and then concluded that there was not "a single case—not one—in which it is clear that a person was executed for a crime he did not commit."

This language suggested that if anyone ever found such a case, the Scalias of the world might rethink matters. As of today, the Innocence Project, a national organization dedicated to exonerating the wrongfully convicted through DNA testing, claims there have been 241 post-conviction DNA exonerations, of which 17 were former death-row inmates who now have been spared the death penalty. The gap between their data and Justice Scalia's widens every year. And for those who insist that not even one of those alleged innocents is indeed innocent, we now have a name: Cameron Todd Willingham, executed by the state of Texas in 2004 for allegedly setting a 1991 house fire that killed his three young daughters.

Source(www.slate.com)

Texas DNA exonerees find prosperity after prison



By JEFF CARLTON, Associated Press Writer

DALLAS – Thomas McGowan's journey from prison to prosperity is about to culminate in $1.8 million, and he knows just how to spend it: on a house with three bedrooms, stainless steel kitchen appliances and a washer and dryer.

"I'll let my girlfriend pick out the rest," said McGowan, who was exonerated last year based on DNA evidence after spending nearly 23 years in prison for rape and robbery.

He and other exonerees in Texas, which leads the nation in freeing the wrongly convicted, soon will become instant millionaires under a new state law that took effect this week.

Exonerees will get $80,000 for each year they spent behind bars. The compensation also includes lifetime annuity payments that for most of the wrongly convicted are worth between $40,000 and $50,000 a year — making it by far the nation's most generous package.

"I'm nervous and excited," said McGowan, 50. "It's something I never had, this amount of money. I didn't have any money — period."

His payday for his imprisonment — a time he described as "a nightmare," "hell" and "slavery" — should come by mid-November after the state's 45-day processing period.

Exonerees also receive an array of social services, including job training, tuition credits and access to medical and dental treatment. Though 27 other states have some form of compensation law for the wrongly convicted, none comes close to offering the social services and money Texas provides.

The annuity payments are especially popular among exonerees, who acknowledge their lack of experience in managing personal finances. A social worker who meets with the exonerees is setting them up with financial advisers and has led discussions alerting them to swindlers.

The annuities are "a way to guarantee these guys ... payments for life as long as they follow the law," said Kevin Glasheen, a Lubbock attorney representing a dozen exonerees.

Two who served about 26 years in prison for rape will receive lump sums of about $2 million apiece. Another, Steven Phillips, who spent about 24 years in prison for sexual assault and burglary, will get about $1.9 million.

The biggest compensation package will likely go to James Woodard, who spent more than 27 years in prison for a 1980 murder that DNA testing later showed he did not commit. He eventually could receive nearly $2.2 million but first needs a writ from the state's Court of Criminal Appeals or a pardon from the governor.

McGowan and the others are among 38 DNA exonerees in Texas, according to the Innocence Project, a New York legal center that specializes in overturning wrongful convictions. Dallas County alone has 21 cases in which a judge overturned guilty verdicts based on DNA evidence, though prosecutors plan to retry one of those.

Charles Chatman, who was wrongly convicted of rape, said the money will allow him some peace of mind after more than 26 years in prison.

"It will bring me some independence," he said. "Other people have had a lot of control over my life."

Chatman and other exonerees already have begun rebuilding their lives. Several plan to start businesses, saying they don't mind working but want to be their own bosses. Others, such as McGowan, don't intend to work and hope to make their money last a lifetime.

Some exonerees have gotten married and another is about to. Phillips is taking college courses. Chatman became a first-time father at 49.

"That's something I never thought I'd be able to do," he said. "No amount of money can replace the time we've lost."

The drumbeat of DNA exonerations caused lawmakers this year to increase the compensation for the wrongly convicted, which had been $50,000 for each year of prison. Glasheen, the attorney, advised his clients to drop their federal civil rights lawsuits and then led the lobbying efforts for the bill.

Besides the lump sum and the monthly annuity payments, the bill includes 120 hours of paid tuition at a public college. It also gives exonerees an additional $25,000 for each year they spent on parole or as registered sex offenders.

No other state has such a provision, according to the Innocence Project.

Exonerees who collected lump sum payments under the old compensation law are ineligible for the new lump sums but will receive the annuities. Whether the money will be subject to taxes remains unsettled, Glasheen said.

The monthly payments are expected to be a lifeline for exonerees such as Wiley Fountain, 53, who received nearly $390,000 in compensation — minus federal taxes — but squandered it by, as he said, "living large." He ended up homeless, spending his nights in a tattered sleeping bag behind a liquor store.

But after getting help from fellow exonerees and social workers, Fountain now lives in an apartment and soon will have a steady income.

Fountain's story is a cautionary tale for the other exonerees, who meet monthly and lately have been discussing the baggage that comes with the money.

Chatman said he's been approached by "family, friends and strangers, too."

"It takes two or three seconds before they ask me how much money, or when do I get the money," he said. "Everyone has the perfect business venture for you."

Though appropriately wary, the exonerees say they are excited about having money in the bank.

"You're locked up so long and then you get out with nothing," McGowan said. "With this, you might be able to live a normal life, knowing you don't have to worry about being out on the streets."

Source(news.yahoo.com)

Saturday, 5 September 2009

Innocent Miramar man spent 25 years in prison?



Innocent Miramar man spent 25 years in prison? DNA test casts doubt on 1983 rape and murder conviction





By PAULA MCMAHON
South Florida Sun-Sentinel

Thursday, September 03, 2009

Laboratory testing has shown that a Broward man locked up since he was 15 for the rape and murder of a Miramar woman in 1983 is not the source of the DNA found on the victim's body.


Anthony Caravella, now 41, has spent 25 years, or more than half his life, in prison.
"This means Anthony is innocent, it exonerates him," said Diane Cuddihy, the Broward chief assistant public defender who reopened Caravella's case and has been working on it since 2001.
Carolyn McCann, the Broward prosecutor now in charge of the case, said the test results, which both sides received Wednesday, raise questions and that it is too early to say whether prosecutors will support or oppose Caravella's release.


McCann said she needs to know more about how the private forensic lab that did the testing came up with results so at odds with findings from the Broward Sheriff's Office crime lab eight years ago.
"This is a scientific inquiry at this point," the prosecutor said.
The test, performed by a private lab in Richmond, Calif., eliminated Caravella as a potential source for the sperm found inside the Miramar victim's body 26 years ago.
The test yielded the DNA profile of an unidentified male that could be checked against genetic databases to see if there's a match with anyone on file.
In 2001, the sheriff's crime lab reported that testing of the evidence produced nothing that would either implicate or exonerate Caravella. Further, the technicians said, there was no semen found.
Broward Sheriff's Office spokesman Jim Leljedal said Wednesday that the agency's crime technicians will ask Forensic Science Associates, the California lab, to share their methods and results "so we can take another look at this."
Miramar police, who investigated the 1983 murder with help from the Sheriff's Office, also will review the case in light of the new information, spokeswoman Tania Rues said.
Caravella was arrested when he was 15 and charged with the rape and murder of Ada Cox Jankowski, 58. The victim, who had moved here from England after World War II, was stabbed 29 times and strangled as she walked home from a local bar. Her body was found on the grounds of Miramar Elementary School.
Police soon started to focus on Caravella, who came from a troubled family of 11 children and who frequently stayed with a family that lived near the murder scene.
He has an I.Q. of 67, which experts say is mild mental retardation. He was arrested on an unrelated theft charge, and made progressively more incriminating statements, eventually confessing that he alone killed Jankowski. The defense says that was the sole evidence against him; prosecutors say there is other information that supports the conviction.
The Sun Sentinel started looking into the case in 2001 when Caravella's younger brother, Larry Dunlap, contacted the newspaper after reading about the DNA exonerations of two other men wrongfully convicted in Broward County.
Dunlap, now 30, was 4 at the time of the murder. He said his family never believed Caravella was guilty.
A reporter put Dunlap in touch with the Broward Public Defender's Office. Cuddihy worked diligently on the case, and this year, at the defense's expense, the evidence was sent for testing to California. The prosecution and defense agreed to the step, but not on whether the results could legally prove Caravella's innocence.
Caravella could not be contacted for an interview Wednesday because he is behind bars at Everglades Correctional Institution in western Miami-Dade County. Cuddihy said Caravella reacted calmly when she told him of the test results at about 3 p.m. Wednesday.
He teared up and quietly said, "I told you I didn't do it, Diane" and "When am I going home now?" the lawyer said.
"I'm just shaking inside at the fact that he's been in [prison] all this time," Cuddihy said. She said she will be filing documents in the next few days to try to get the prisoner released.
McCann also noted that the private lab found female DNA on the sample which did not match the victim's. The lab suggested that DNA could have been introduced to the swabs when they were handled at the Sheriff's Office lab.
Edward Blake, one of the scientists who did the recent testing, said he used methods that were also available to the sheriff's lab in 2001. He said the evidence was poorly preserved but usable, and noted that he found sperm, as did the Broward Medical Examiner's Office in the 1983 autopsy.
Asked why the sheriff's lab didn't find it, Blake said: "To be quite candid with you, I don't know."
DNA testing was not available in 1983 and contamination of evidence in old cases is an issue, Leljedal said: "Evidence gathering and preservation procedures were all different when DNA wasn't a factor."
To date, DNA testing has exonerated 241 convicted people nationwide, including two high-profile Broward cases. Frank Lee Smith, 52, died of cancer on Death Row months before DNA tests proved he was innocent in December 2000. Jerry Frank Townsend, now 57, was vindicated in several murders after serving more than 21 years in prison. He was released in 2001.
For more information on this story, visit http://www.sun-sentinel.com/

The 10th Annual March to abolish the Death Penalty


Monday, 31 August 2009

Florida’s Compensation Bill Doesn’t Work




Last week, an administrative judge denied exoneree James Richardson compensation after she somehow determined that Mr. Richardson had not proved his actual innocence of the poisoning of his children. In 2008, when the legislature passed their flawed “automatic” compensation scheme, we aggressively advocated against the bill because we knew that the adversarial process in the bill for “proving” actual innocence, which is triggered by prosecutorial opposition to the claim, would be unworkable. It would require a person to essentially relitigate their case where they now have the burden to meet a standard that is higher than that which the prosecutor must meet to convict.


Courts are not designed to determine actual innocence. In fact, the term “actual innocence” has no legal meaning at all. Hell, in some DNA cases, the prosecutor is the only person on earth who remains blind to the truth despite conclusive scientific evidence of innocence. What we are left with is a situation not where an individual’s actual innocence determines compensation. After all, James Richardson is actually innocent. Janet Reno, former State Attorney for Miami, led the charge in favor of his exoneration. Instead, the only people who get compensated are those who the prosecutor agrees should be compensated.


So our system of redress depends not on facts or what courts and prosecutors have done before but on whatever feeling is in the prosecutors gut when the compensation claim is filed. If the prosecutor feels like they were steamrolled during the postconviction process or they just think that they were not treated fairly by the Florida or United States Supreme Court, they can have a second bite at the apple to victimize the wrongly incarcerated individual one last time.


We told the legislators that their fancy compensation scheme wouldn’t work. Now comes the hard work of changing it to something that will.


Source(floridainnocence.org)

Trial by Fire


Did Texas execute an innocent man?

The fire moved quickly through the house, a one-story wood-frame structure in a working-class neighborhood of Corsicana, in northeast Texas. Flames spread along the walls, bursting through doorways, blistering paint and tiles and furniture. Smoke pressed against the ceiling, then banked downward, seeping into each room and through crevices in the windows, staining the morning sky.

Buffie Barbee, who was eleven years old and lived two houses down, was playing in her back yard when she smelled the smoke. She ran inside and told her mother, Diane, and they hurried up the street; that’s when they saw the smoldering house and Cameron Todd Willingham standing on the front porch, wearing only a pair of jeans, his chest blackened with soot, his hair and eyelids singed. He was screaming, “My babies are burning up!” His children—Karmon and Kameron, who were one-year-old twin girls, and two-year-old Amber—were trapped inside.

Willingham told the Barbees to call the Fire Department, and while Diane raced down the street to get help he found a stick and broke the children’s bedroom window. Fire lashed through the hole. He broke another window; flames burst through it, too, and he retreated into the yard, kneeling in front of the house. A neighbor later told police that Willingham intermittently cried, “My babies!” then fell silent, as if he had “blocked the fire out of his mind.”

Diane Barbee, returning to the scene, could feel intense heat radiating off the house. Moments later, the five windows of the children’s room exploded and flames “blew out,” as Barbee put it. Within minutes, the first firemen had arrived, and Willingham approached them, shouting that his children were in their bedroom, where the flames were thickest. A fireman sent word over his radio for rescue teams to “step on it.”

More men showed up, uncoiling hoses and aiming water at the blaze. One fireman, who had an air tank strapped to his back and a mask covering his face, slipped through a window but was hit by water from a hose and had to retreat. He then charged through the front door, into a swirl of smoke and fire. Heading down the main corridor, he reached the kitchen, where he saw a refrigerator blocking the back door.

Todd Willingham, looking on, appeared to grow more hysterical, and a police chaplain named George Monaghan led him to the back of a fire truck and tried to calm him down. Willingham explained that his wife, Stacy, had gone out earlier that morning, and that he had been jolted from sleep by Amber screaming, “Daddy! Daddy!”

“My little girl was trying to wake me up and tell me about the fire,” he said, adding, “I couldn’t get my babies out.”

While he was talking, a fireman emerged from the house, cradling Amber. As she was given C.P.R., Willingham, who was twenty-three years old and powerfully built, ran to see her, then suddenly headed toward the babies’ room. Monaghan and another man restrained him. “We had to wrestle with him and then handcuff him, for his and our protection,” Monaghan later told police. “I received a black eye.” One of the first firemen at the scene told investigators that, at an earlier point, he had also held Willingham back. “Based on what I saw on how the fire was burning, it would have been crazy for anyone to try and go into the house,” he said.

Willingham was taken to a hospital, where he was told that Amber—who had actually been found in the master bedroom—had died of smoke inhalation. Kameron and Karmon had been lying on the floor of the children’s bedroom, their bodies severely burned. According to the medical examiner, they, too, died from smoke inhalation.

News of the tragedy, which took place on December 23, 1991, spread through Corsicana. A small city fifty-five miles northeast of Waco, it had once been the center of Texas’s first oil boom, but many of the wells had since dried up, and more than a quarter of the city’s twenty thousand inhabitants had fallen into poverty. Several stores along the main street were shuttered, giving the place the feel of an abandoned outpost.

Willingham and his wife, who was twenty-two years old, had virtually no money. Stacy worked in her brother’s bar, called Some Other Place, and Willingham, an unemployed auto mechanic, had been caring for the kids. The community took up a collection to help the Willinghams pay for funeral arrangements.

Fire investigators, meanwhile, tried to determine the cause of the blaze. (Willingham gave authorities permission to search the house: “I know we might not ever know all the answers, but I’d just like to know why my babies were taken from me.”) Douglas Fogg, who was then the assistant fire chief in Corsicana, conducted the initial inspection. He was tall, with a crew cut, and his voice was raspy from years of inhaling smoke from fires and cigarettes. He had grown up in Corsicana and, after graduating from high school, in 1963, he had joined the Navy, serving as a medic in Vietnam, where he was wounded on four occasions. He was awarded a Purple Heart each time. After he returned from Vietnam, he became a firefighter, and by the time of the Willingham blaze he had been battling fire—or what he calls “the beast”—for more than twenty years, and had become a certified arson investigator. “You learn that fire talks to you,” he told me.

He was soon joined on the case by one of the state’s leading arson sleuths, a deputy fire marshal named Manuel Vasquez, who has since died. Short, with a paunch, Vasquez had investigated more than twelve hundred fires. Arson investigators have always been considered a special breed of detective. In the 1991 movie “Backdraft,” a heroic arson investigator says of fire, “It breathes, it eats, and it hates. The only way to beat it is to think like it. To know that this flame will spread this way across the door and up across the ceiling.” Vasquez, who had previously worked in Army intelligence, had several maxims of his own. One was “Fire does not destroy evidence—it creates it.” Another was “The fire tells the story. I am just the interpreter.” He cultivated a Sherlock Holmes-like aura of invincibility. Once, he was asked under oath whether he had ever been mistaken in a case. “If I have, sir, I don’t know,” he responded. “It’s never been pointed out.”

Vasquez and Fogg visited the Willinghams’ house four days after the blaze. Following protocol, they moved from the least burned areas toward the most damaged ones. “It is a systematic method,” Vasquez later testified, adding, “I’m just collecting information. . . . I have not made any determination. I don’t have any preconceived idea.”

The men slowly toured the perimeter of the house, taking notes and photographs, like archeologists mapping out a ruin. Upon opening the back door, Vasquez observed that there was just enough space to squeeze past the refrigerator blocking the exit. The air smelled of burned rubber and melted wires; a damp ash covered the ground, sticking to their boots. In the kitchen, Vasquez and Fogg discerned only smoke and heat damage—a sign that the fire had not originated there—and so they pushed deeper into the nine-hundred-and-seventy-five-square-foot building. A central corridor led past a utility room and the master bedroom, then past a small living room, on the left, and the children’s bedroom, on the right, ending at the front door, which opened onto the porch. Vasquez tried to take in everything, a process that he compared to entering one’s mother-in-law’s house for the first time: “I have the same curiosity.”

In the utility room, he noticed on the wall pictures of skulls and what he later described as an image of “the Grim Reaper.” Then he turned into the master bedroom, where Amber’s body had been found. Most of the damage there was also from smoke and heat, suggesting that the fire had started farther down the hallway, and he headed that way, stepping over debris and ducking under insulation and wiring that hung down from the exposed ceiling.

As he and Fogg removed some of the clutter, they noticed deep charring along the base of the walls. Because gases become buoyant when heated, flames ordinarily burn upward. But Vasquez and Fogg observed that the fire had burned extremely low down, and that there were peculiar char patterns on the floor, shaped like puddles.

Vasquez’s mood darkened. He followed the “burn trailer”—the path etched by the fire—which led from the hallway into the children’s bedroom. Sunlight filtering through the broken windows illuminated more of the irregularly shaped char patterns. A flammable or combustible liquid doused on a floor will cause a fire to concentrate in these kinds of pockets, which is why investigators refer to them as “pour patterns” or “puddle configurations.”

The fire had burned through layers of carpeting and tile and plywood flooring. Moreover, the metal springs under the children’s beds had turned white—a sign that intense heat had radiated beneath them. Seeing that the floor had some of the deepest burns, Vasquez deduced that it had been hotter than the ceiling, which, given that heat rises, was, in his words, “not normal.”

Fogg examined a piece of glass from one of the broken windows. It contained a spiderweb-like pattern—what fire investigators call “crazed glass.” Forensic textbooks had long described the effect as a key indicator that a fire had burned “fast and hot,” meaning that it had been fuelled by a liquid accelerant, causing the glass to fracture.

The men looked again at what appeared to be a distinct burn trailer through the house: it went from the children’s bedroom into the corridor, then turned sharply to the right and proceeded out the front door. To the investigators’ surprise, even the wood under the door’s aluminum threshold was charred. On the concrete floor of the porch, just outside the front door, Vasquez and Fogg noticed another unusual thing: brown stains, which, they reported, were consistent with the presence of an accelerant.

The men scanned the walls for soot marks that resembled a “V.” When an object catches on fire, it creates such a pattern, as heat and smoke radiate outward; the bottom of the “V” can therefore point to where a fire began. In the Willingham house, there was a distinct “V” in the main corridor. Examining it and other burn patterns, Vasquez identified three places where fire had originated: in the hallway, in the children’s bedroom, and at the front door. Vasquez later testified that multiple origins pointed to one conclusion: the fire was “intentionally set by human hands.”

By now, both investigators had a clear vision of what had happened. Someone had poured liquid accelerant throughout the children’s room, even under their beds, then poured some more along the adjoining hallway and out the front door, creating a “fire barrier” that prevented anyone from escaping; similarly, a prosecutor later suggested, the refrigerator in the kitchen had been moved to block the back-door exit. The house, in short, had been deliberately transformed into a death trap.

The investigators collected samples of burned materials from the house and sent them to a laboratory that could detect the presence of a liquid accelerant. The lab’s chemist reported that one of the samples contained evidence of “mineral spirits,” a substance that is often found in charcoal-lighter fluid. The sample had been taken by the threshold of the front door.

The fire was now considered a triple homicide, and Todd Willingham—the only person, besides the victims, known to have been in the house at the time of the blaze—became the prime suspect.

Police and fire investigators canvassed the neighborhood, interviewing witnesses. Several, like Father Monaghan, initially portrayed Willingham as devastated by the fire. Yet, over time, an increasing number of witnesses offered damning statements. Diane Barbee said that she had not seen Willingham try to enter the house until after the authorities arrived, as if he were putting on a show. And when the children’s room exploded with flames, she added, he seemed more preoccupied with his car, which he moved down the driveway. Another neighbor reported that when Willingham cried out for his babies he “did not appear to be excited or concerned.” Even Father Monaghan wrote in a statement that, upon further reflection, “things were not as they seemed. I had the feeling that [Willingham] was in complete control.”

The police began to piece together a disturbing profile of Willingham. Born in Ardmore, Oklahoma, in 1968, he had been abandoned by his mother when he was a baby. His father, Gene, who had divorced his mother, eventually raised him with his stepmother, Eugenia. Gene, a former U.S. marine, worked in a salvage yard, and the family lived in a cramped house; at night, they could hear freight trains rattling past on a nearby track. Willingham, who had what the family called the “classic Willingham look”—a handsome face, thick black hair, and dark eyes—struggled in school, and as a teen-ager began to sniff paint. When he was seventeen, Oklahoma’s Department of Human Services evaluated him, and reported, “He likes ‘girls,’ music, fast cars, sharp trucks, swimming, and hunting, in that order.” Willingham dropped out of high school, and over time was arrested for, among other things, driving under the influence, stealing a bicycle, and shoplifting.

In 1988, he met Stacy, a senior in high school, who also came from a troubled background: when she was four years old, her stepfather had strangled her mother to death during a fight. Stacy and Willingham had a turbulent relationship. Willingham, who was unfaithful, drank too much Jack Daniel’s, and sometimes hit Stacy—even when she was pregnant. A neighbor said that he once heard Willingham yell at her, “Get up, bitch, and I’ll hit you again.”

On December 31st, the authorities brought Willingham in for questioning. Fogg and Vasquez were present for the interrogation, along with Jimmie Hensley, a police officer who was working his first arson case. Willingham said that Stacy had left the house around 9 A.M. to pick up a Christmas present for the kids, at the Salvation Army. “After she got out of the driveway, I heard the twins cry, so I got up and gave them a bottle,” he said. The children’s room had a safety gate across the doorway, which Amber could climb over but not the twins, and he and Stacy often let the twins nap on the floor after they drank their bottles. Amber was still in bed, Willingham said, so he went back into his room to sleep. “The next thing I remember is hearing ‘Daddy, Daddy,’ ” he recalled. “The house was already full of smoke.” He said that he got up, felt around the floor for a pair of pants, and put them on. He could no longer hear his daughter’s voice (“I heard that last ‘Daddy, Daddy’ and never heard her again”), and he hollered, “Oh God— Amber, get out of the house! Get out of the house!’ ”

He never sensed that Amber was in his room, he said. Perhaps she had already passed out by the time he stood up, or perhaps she came in after he left, through a second doorway, from the living room. He said that he went down the corridor and tried to reach the children’s bedroom. In the hallway, he said, “you couldn’t see nothing but black.” The air smelled the way it had when their microwave had blown up, three weeks earlier—like “wire and stuff like that.” He could hear sockets and light switches popping, and he crouched down, almost crawling. When he made it to the children’s bedroom, he said, he stood and his hair caught on fire. “Oh God, I never felt anything that hot before,” he said of the heat radiating out of the room.

After he patted out the fire on his hair, he said, he got down on the ground and groped in the dark. “I thought I found one of them once,” he said, “but it was a doll.” He couldn’t bear the heat any longer. “I felt myself passing out,” he said. Finally, he stumbled down the corridor and out the front door, trying to catch his breath. He saw Diane Barbee and yelled for her to call the Fire Department. After she left, he insisted, he tried without success to get back inside.

The investigators asked him if he had any idea how the fire had started. He said that he wasn’t sure, though it must have originated in the children’s room, since that was where he first saw flames; they were glowing like “bright lights.” He and Stacy used three space heaters to keep the house warm, and one of them was in the children’s room. “I taught Amber not to play with it,” he said, adding that she got “whuppings every once in a while for messing with it.” He said that he didn’t know if the heater, which had an internal flame, was turned on. (Vasquez later testified that when he had checked the heater, four days after the fire, it was in the “Off” position.) Willingham speculated that the fire might have been started by something electrical: he had heard all that popping and crackling.

When pressed whether someone might have a motive to hurt his family, he said that he couldn’t think of anyone that “cold-blooded.” He said of his children, “I just don’t understand why anybody would take them, you know? We had three of the most pretty babies anybody could have ever asked for.” He went on, “Me and Stacy’s been together for four years, but off and on we get into a fight and split up for a while and I think those babies is what brought us so close together . . . neither one of us . . . could live without them kids.” Thinking of Amber, he said, “To tell you the honest-to-God’s truth, I wish she hadn’t woke me up.”

During the interrogation, Vasquez let Fogg take the lead. Finally, Vasquez turned to Willingham and asked a seemingly random question: had he put on shoes before he fled the house?

“No, sir,” Willingham replied.

A map of the house was on a table between the men, and Vasquez pointed to it. “You walked out this way?” he said.

Willingham said yes.

Vasquez was now convinced that Willingham had killed his children. If the floor had been soaked with a liquid accelerant and the fire had burned low, as the evidence suggested, Willingham could not have run out of the house the way he had described without badly burning his feet. A medical report indicated that his feet had been unscathed.

Willingham insisted that, when he left the house, the fire was still around the top of the walls and not on the floor. “I didn’t have to jump through any flames,” he said. Vasquez believed that this was impossible, and that Willingham had lit the fire as he was retreating—first, torching the children’s room, then the hallway, and then, from the porch, the front door. Vasquez later said of Willingham, “He told me a story of pure fabrication. . . . He just talked and he talked and all he did was lie.”

Still, there was no clear motive. The children had life-insurance policies, but they amounted to only fifteen thousand dollars, and Stacy’s grandfather, who had paid for them, was listed as the primary beneficiary. Stacy told investigators that even though Willingham hit her he had never abused the children—“Our kids were spoiled rotten,” she said—and she did not believe that Willingham could have killed them.

Ultimately, the authorities concluded that Willingham was a man without a conscience whose serial crimes had climaxed, almost inexorably, in murder. John Jackson, who was then the assistant district attorney in Corsicana, was assigned to prosecute Willingham’s case. He later told the Dallas Morning News that he considered Willingham to be “an utterly sociopathic individual” who deemed his children “an impediment to his lifestyle.” Or, as the local district attorney, Pat Batchelor, put it, “The children were interfering with his beer drinking and dart throwing.”

On the night of January 8, 1992, two weeks after the fire, Willingham was riding in a car with Stacy when SWAT teams surrounded them, forcing them to the side of the road. “They pulled guns out like we had just robbed ten banks,” Stacy later recalled. “All we heard was ‘click, click.’ . . . Then they arrested him.”

Willingham was charged with murder. Because there were multiple victims, he was eligible for the death penalty, under Texas law. Unlike many other prosecutors in the state, Jackson, who had ambitions of becoming a judge, was personally opposed to capital punishment. “I don’t think it’s effective in deterring criminals,” he told me. “I just don’t think it works.” He also considered it wasteful: because of the expense of litigation and the appeals process, it costs, on average, $2.3 million to execute a prisoner in Texas—about three times the cost of incarcerating someone for forty years. Plus, Jackson said, “What’s the recourse if you make a mistake?” Yet his boss, Batchelor, believed that, as he once put it, “certain people who commit bad enough crimes give up the right to live,” and Jackson came to agree that the heinous nature of the crime in the Willingham case—“one of the worst in terms of body count” that he had ever tried—mandated death.

Willingham couldn’t afford to hire lawyers, and was assigned two by the state: David Martin, a former state trooper, and Robert Dunn, a local defense attorney who represented everyone from alleged murderers to spouses in divorce cases—a “Jack-of-all-trades,” as he calls himself. (“In a small town, you can’t say ‘I’m a so-and-so lawyer,’ because you’ll starve to death,” he told me.)

Not long after Willingham’s arrest, authorities received a message from a prison inmate named Johnny Webb, who was in the same jail as Willingham. Webb alleged that Willingham had confessed to him that he took “some kind of lighter fluid, squirting [it] around the walls and the floor, and set a fire.” The case against Willingham was considered airtight.

Even so, several of Stacy’s relatives—who, unlike her, believed that Willingham was guilty—told Jackson that they preferred to avoid the anguish of a trial. And so, shortly before jury selection, Jackson approached Willingham’s attorneys with an extraordinary offer: if their client pleaded guilty, the state would give him a life sentence. “I was really happy when I thought we might have a deal to avoid the death penalty,” Jackson recalls.

Willingham’s lawyers were equally pleased. They had little doubt that he had committed the murders and that, if the case went before a jury, he would be found guilty, and, subsequently, executed. “Everyone thinks defense lawyers must believe their clients are innocent, but that’s seldom true,” Martin told me. “Most of the time, they’re guilty as sin.” He added of Willingham, “All the evidence showed that he was one hundred per cent guilty. He poured accelerant all over the house and put lighter fluid under the kids’ beds.” It was, he said, “a classic arson case”: there were “puddle patterns all over the place—no disputing those.”

Martin and Dunn advised Willingham that he should accept the offer, but he refused. The lawyers asked his father and stepmother to speak to him. According to Eugenia, Martin showed them photographs of the burned children and said, “Look what your son did. You got to talk him into pleading, or he’s going to be executed.”

His parents went to see their son in jail. Though his father did not believe that he should plead guilty if he were innocent, his stepmother beseeched him to take the deal. “I just wanted to keep my boy alive,” she told me.

Willingham was implacable. “I ain’t gonna plead to something I didn’t do, especially killing my own kids,” he said. It was his final decision. Martin says, “I thought it was nuts at the time—and I think it’s nuts now.”

Willingham’s refusal to accept the deal confirmed the view of the prosecution, and even that of his defense lawyers, that he was an unrepentant killer.

In August, 1992, the trial commenced in the old stone courthouse in downtown Corsicana. Jackson and a team of prosecutors summoned a procession of witnesses, including Johnny Webb and the Barbees. The crux of the state’s case, though, remained the scientific evidence gathered by Vasquez and Fogg. On the stand, Vasquez detailed what he called more than “twenty indicators” of arson.

“Do you have an opinion as to who started the fire?” one of the prosecutors asked.

“Yes, sir,” Vasquez said. “Mr. Willingham.”

The prosecutor asked Vasquez what he thought Willingham’s intent was in lighting the fire. “To kill the little girls,” he said.

The defense had tried to find a fire expert to counter Vasquez and Fogg’s testimony, but the one they contacted concurred with the prosecution. Ultimately, the defense presented only one witness to the jury: the Willinghams’ babysitter, who said she could not believe that Willingham could have killed his children. (Dunn told me that Willingham had wanted to testify, but Martin and Dunn thought that he would make a bad witness.) The trial ended after two days.

During his closing arguments, Jackson said that the puddle configurations and pour patterns were Willingham’s inadvertent “confession,” burned into the floor. Showing a Bible that had been salvaged from the fire, Jackson paraphrased the words of Jesus from the Gospel of Matthew: “Whomsoever shall harm one of my children, it’s better for a millstone to be hung around his neck and for him to be cast in the sea.”

The jury was out for barely an hour before returning with a unanimous guilty verdict. As Vasquez put it, “The fire does not lie.”

II

When Elizabeth Gilbert approached the prison guard, on a spring day in 1999, and said Cameron Todd Willingham’s name, she was uncertain about what she was doing. A forty-seven-year-old French teacher and playwright from Houston, Gilbert was divorced with two children. She had never visited a prison before. Several weeks earlier, a friend, who worked at an organization that opposed the death penalty, had encouraged her to volunteer as a pen pal for an inmate on death row, and Gilbert had offered her name and address. Not long after, a short letter, written with unsteady penmanship, arrived from Willingham. “If you wish to write back, I would be honored to correspond with you,” he said. He also asked if she might visit him. Perhaps out of a writer’s curiosity, or perhaps because she didn’t feel quite herself (she had just been upset by news that her ex-husband was dying of cancer), she agreed. Now she was standing in front of the decrepit penitentiary in Huntsville, Texas—a place that inmates referred to as “the death pit.”

She filed past a razor-wire fence, a series of floodlights, and a checkpoint, where she was patted down, until she entered a small chamber. Only a few feet in front of her was a man convicted of multiple infanticide. He was wearing a white jumpsuit with “DR”—for death row—printed on the back, in large black letters. He had a tattoo of a serpent and a skull on his left biceps. He stood nearly six feet tall and was muscular, though his legs had atrophied after years of confinement.

A Plexiglas window separated Willingham from her; still, Gilbert, who had short brown hair and a bookish manner, stared at him uneasily. Willingham had once fought another prisoner who called him a “baby killer,” and since he had been incarcerated, seven years earlier, he had committed a series of disciplinary infractions that had periodically landed him in the segregation unit, which was known as “the dungeon.”

Willingham greeted her politely. He seemed grateful that she had come. After his conviction, Stacy had campaigned for his release. She wrote to Ann Richards, then the governor of Texas, saying, “I know him in ways that no one else does when it comes to our children. Therefore, I believe that there is no way he could have possibly committed this crime.” But within a year Stacy had filed for divorce, and Willingham had few visitors except for his parents, who drove from Oklahoma to see him once a month. “I really have no one outside my parents to remind me that I am a human being, not the animal the state professes I am,” he told Gilbert at one point.

He didn’t want to talk about death row. “Hell, I live here,” he later wrote her. “When I have a visit, I want to escape from here.” He asked her questions about her teaching and art. He expressed fear that, as a playwright, she might find him a “one-dimensional character,” and apologized for lacking social graces; he now had trouble separating the mores in prison from those of the outside world.

When Gilbert asked him if he wanted something to eat or drink from the vending machines, he declined. “I hope I did not offend you by not accepting any snacks,” he later wrote her. “I didn’t want you to feel I was there just for something like that.”

She had been warned that prisoners often tried to con visitors. He appeared to realize this, subsequently telling her, “I am just a simple man. Nothing else. And to most other people a convicted killer looking for someone to manipulate.”

Their visit lasted for two hours, and afterward they continued to correspond. She was struck by his letters, which seemed introspective, and were not at all what she had expected. “I am a very honest person with my feelings,” he wrote her. “I will not bullshit you on how I feel or what I think.” He said that he used to be stoic, like his father. But, he added, “losing my three daughters . . . my home, wife and my life, you tend to wake up a little. I have learned to open myself.”

She agreed to visit him again, and when she returned, several weeks later, he was visibly moved. “Here I am this person who nobody on the outside is ever going to know as a human, who has lost so much, but still trying to hold on,” he wrote her afterward. “But you came back! I don’t think you will ever know of what importance that visit was in my existence.”

They kept exchanging letters, and she began asking him about the fire. He insisted that he was innocent and that, if someone had poured accelerant through the house and lit it, then the killer remained free. Gilbert wasn’t naïve—she assumed that he was guilty. She did not mind giving him solace, but she was not there to absolve him.

Still, she had become curious about the case, and one day that fall she drove down to the courthouse in Corsicana to review the trial records. Many people in the community remembered the tragedy, and a clerk expressed bewilderment that anyone would be interested in a man who had burned his children alive.

Gilbert took the files and sat down at a small table. As she examined the eyewitness accounts, she noticed several contradictions. Diane Barbee had reported that, before the authorities arrived at the fire, Willingham never tried to get back into the house—yet she had been absent for some time while calling the Fire Department. Meanwhile, her daughter Buffie had reported witnessing Willingham on the porch breaking a window, in an apparent effort to reach his children. And the firemen and police on the scene had described Willingham frantically trying to get into the house.

The witnesses’ testimony also grew more damning after authorities had concluded, in the beginning of January, 1992, that Willingham was likely guilty of murder. In Diane Barbee’s initial statement to authorities, she had portrayed Willingham as “hysterical,” and described the front of the house exploding. But on January 4th, after arson investigators began suspecting Willingham of murder, Barbee suggested that he could have gone back inside to rescue his children, for at the outset she had seen only “smoke coming from out of the front of the house”—smoke that was not “real thick.”

An even starker shift occurred with Father Monaghan’s testimony. In his first statement, he had depicted Willingham as a devastated father who had to be repeatedly restrained from risking his life. Yet, as investigators were preparing to arrest Willingham, he concluded that Willingham had been too emotional (“He seemed to have the type of distress that a woman who had given birth would have upon seeing her children die”); and he expressed a “gut feeling” that Willingham had “something to do with the setting of the fire.”

Dozens of studies have shown that witnesses’ memories of events often change when they are supplied with new contextual information. Itiel Dror, a cognitive psychologist who has done extensive research on eyewitness and expert testimony in criminal investigations, told me, “The mind is not a passive machine. Once you believe in something—once you expect something—it changes the way you perceive information and the way your memory recalls it.”

After Gilbert’s visit to the courthouse, she kept wondering about Willingham’s motive, and she pressed him on the matter. In response, he wrote, of the death of his children, “I do not talk about it much anymore and it is still a very powerfully emotional pain inside my being.” He admitted that he had been a “sorry-ass husband” who had hit Stacy—something he deeply regretted. But he said that he had loved his children and would never have hurt them. Fatherhood, he said, had changed him; he stopped being a hoodlum and “settled down” and “became a man.” Nearly three months before the fire, he and Stacy, who had never married, wed at a small ceremony in his home town of Ardmore. He said that the prosecution had seized upon incidents from his past and from the day of the fire to create a portrait of a “demon,” as Jackson, the prosecutor, referred to him. For instance, Willingham said, he had moved the car during the fire simply because he didn’t want it to explode by the house, further threatening the children.

Gilbert was unsure what to make of his story, and she began to approach people who were involved in the case, asking them questions. “My friends thought I was crazy,” Gilbert recalls. “I’d never done anything like this in my life.”

One morning, when Willingham’s parents came to visit him, Gilbert arranged to see them first, at a coffee shop near the prison. Gene, who was in his seventies, had the Willingham look, though his black hair had gray streaks and his dark eyes were magnified by glasses. Eugenia, who was in her fifties, with silvery hair, was as sweet and talkative as her husband was stern and reserved. The drive from Oklahoma to Texas took six hours, and they had woken at three in the morning; because they could not afford a motel, they would have to return home later that day. “I feel like a real burden to them,” Willingham had written Gilbert.

As Gene and Eugenia sipped coffee, they told Gilbert how grateful they were that someone had finally taken an interest in Todd’s case. Gene said that his son, though he had flaws, was no killer.

The evening before the fire, Eugenia said, she had spoken on the phone with Todd. She and Gene were planning on visiting two days later, on Christmas Eve, and Todd told her that he and Stacy and the kids had just picked up family photographs. “He said, ‘We got your pictures for Christmas,’ ” she recalled. “He put Amber on the phone, and she was tattling on one of the twins. Todd didn’t seem upset. If something was bothering him, I would have known.”

Gene and Eugenia got up to go: they didn’t want to miss any of the four hours that were allotted for the visit with their son. Before they left, Gene said, “You’ll let us know if you find anything, won’t you?”

Over the next few weeks, Gilbert continued to track down sources. Many of them, including the Barbees, remained convinced that Willingham was guilty, but several of his friends and relatives had doubts. So did some people in law enforcement. Willingham’s former probation officer in Oklahoma, Polly Goodin, recently told me that Willingham had never demonstrated bizarre or sociopathic behavior. “He was probably one of my favorite kids,” she said. Even a former judge named Bebe Bridges—who had often stood, as she put it, on the “opposite side” of Willingham in the legal system, and who had sent him to jail for stealing—told me that she could not imagine him killing his children. “He was polite, and he seemed to care,” she said. “His convictions had been for dumb-kid stuff. Even the things stolen weren’t significant.” Several months before the fire, Willingham tracked Goodin down at her office, and proudly showed her photographs of Stacy and the kids. “He wanted Bebe and me to know he’d been doing good,” Goodin recalled.

Eventually, Gilbert returned to Corsicana to interview Stacy, who had agreed to meet at the bed-and-breakfast where Gilbert was staying. Stacy was slightly plump, with pale, round cheeks and feathered dark-blond hair; her bangs were held in place by gel, and her face was heavily made up. According to a tape recording of the conversation, Stacy said that nothing unusual had happened in the days before the fire. She and Willingham had not fought, and were preparing for the holiday. Though Vasquez, the arson expert, had recalled finding the space heater off, Stacy was sure that, at least on the day of the incident—a cool winter morning—it had been on. “I remember turning it down,” she recalled. “I always thought, Gosh, could Amber have put something in there?” Stacy added that, more than once, she had caught Amber “putting things too close to it.”

Willingham had often not treated her well, she recalled, and after his incarceration she had left him for a man who did. But she didn’t think that her former husband should be on death row. “I don’t think he did it,” she said, crying.

Though only the babysitter had appeared as a witness for the defense during the main trial, several family members, including Stacy, testified during the penalty phase, asking the jury to spare Willingham’s life. When Stacy was on the stand, Jackson grilled her about the “significance” of Willingham’s “very large tattoo of a skull, encircled by some kind of a serpent.”

“It’s just a tattoo,” Stacy responded.

“He just likes skulls and snakes. Is that what you’re saying?”

“No. He just had—he got a tattoo on him.”

The prosecution cited such evidence in asserting that Willingham fit the profile of a sociopath, and brought forth two medical experts to confirm the theory. Neither had met Willingham. One of them was Tim Gregory, a psychologist with a master’s degree in marriage and family issues, who had previously gone goose hunting with Jackson, and had not published any research in the field of sociopathic behavior. His practice was devoted to family counselling.

At one point, Jackson showed Gregory Exhibit No. 60—a photograph of an Iron Maiden poster that had hung in Willingham’s house—and asked the psychologist to interpret it. “This one is a picture of a skull, with a fist being punched through the skull,” Gregory said; the image displayed “violence” and “death.” Gregory looked at photographs of other music posters owned by Willingham. “There’s a hooded skull, with wings and a hatchet,” Gregory continued. “And all of these are in fire, depicting—it reminds me of something like Hell. And there’s a picture—a Led Zeppelin picture of a falling angel. . . . I see there’s an association many times with cultive-type of activities. A focus on death, dying. Many times individuals that have a lot of this type of art have interest in satanic-type activities.”

The other medical expert was James P. Grigson, a forensic psychiatrist. He testified so often for the prosecution in capital-punishment cases that he had become known as Dr. Death. (A Texas appellate judge once wrote that when Grigson appeared on the stand the defendant might as well “commence writing out his last will and testament.”) Grigson suggested that Willingham was an “extremely severe sociopath,” and that “no pill” or treatment could help him. Grigson had previously used nearly the same words in helping to secure a death sentence against Randall Dale Adams, who had been convicted of murdering a police officer, in 1977. After Adams, who had no prior criminal record, spent a dozen years on death row—and once came within seventy-two hours of being executed—new evidence emerged that absolved him, and he was released. In 1995, three years after Willingham’s trial, Grigson was expelled from the American Psychiatric Association for violating ethics. The association stated that Grigson had repeatedly arrived at a “psychiatric diagnosis without first having examined the individuals in question, and for indicating, while testifying in court as an expert witness, that he could predict with 100-per-cent certainty that the individuals would engage in future violent acts.”

After speaking to Stacy, Gilbert had one more person she wanted to interview: the jailhouse informant Johnny Webb, who was incarcerated in Iowa Park, Texas. She wrote to Webb, who said that she could see him, and they met in the prison visiting room. A man in his late twenties, he had pallid skin and a closely shaved head; his eyes were jumpy, and his entire body seemed to tremble. A reporter who once met him described him to me as “nervous as a cat around rocking chairs.” Webb had begun taking drugs when he was nine years old, and had been convicted of, among other things, car theft, selling marijuana, forgery, and robbery.

As Gilbert chatted with him, she thought that he seemed paranoid. During Willingham’s trial, Webb disclosed that he had been given a diagnosis of “post-traumatic stress disorder” after he was sexually assaulted in prison, in 1988, and that he often suffered from “mental impairment.” Under cross-examination, Webb testified that he had no recollection of a robbery that he had pleaded guilty to only months earlier.

Webb repeated for her what he had said in court: he had passed by Willingham’s cell, and as they spoke through a food slot Willingham broke down and told him that he intentionally set the house on fire. Gilbert was dubious. It was hard to believe that Willingham, who had otherwise insisted on his innocence, had suddenly confessed to an inmate he barely knew. The conversation had purportedly taken place by a speaker system that allowed any of the guards to listen—an unlikely spot for an inmate to reveal a secret. What’s more, Webb alleged that Willingham had told him that Stacy had hurt one of the kids, and that the fire was set to cover up the crime. The autopsies, however, had revealed no bruises or signs of trauma on the children’s bodies.

Jailhouse informants, many of whom are seeking reduced time or special privileges, are notoriously unreliable. According to a 2004 study by the Center on Wrongful Convictions, at Northwestern University Law School, lying police and jailhouse informants are the leading cause of wrongful convictions in capital cases in the United States. At the time that Webb came forward against Willingham, he was facing charges of robbery and forgery. During Willingham’s trial, another inmate planned to testify that he had overheard Webb saying to another prisoner that he was hoping to “get time cut,” but the testimony was ruled inadmissible, because it was hearsay. Webb, who pleaded guilty to the robbery and forgery charges, received a sentence of fifteen years. Jackson, the prosecutor, told me that he generally considered Webb “an unreliable kind of guy,” but added, “I saw no real motive for him to make a statement like this if it wasn’t true. We didn’t cut him any slack.” In 1997, five years after Willingham’s trial, Jackson urged the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles to grant Webb parole. “I asked them to cut him loose early,” Jackson told me. The reason, Jackson said, was that Webb had been targeted by the Aryan Brotherhood. The board granted Webb parole, but within months of his release he was caught with cocaine and returned to prison.

In March, 2000, several months after Gilbert’s visit, Webb unexpectedly sent Jackson a Motion to Recant Testimony, declaring, “Mr. Willingham is innocent of all charges.” But Willingham’s lawyer was not informed of this development, and soon afterward Webb, without explanation, recanted his recantation. When I recently asked Webb, who was released from prison two years ago, about the turnabout and why Willingham would have confessed to a virtual stranger, he said that he knew only what “the dude told me.” After I pressed him, he said, “It’s very possible I misunderstood what he said.” Since the trial, Webb has been given an additional diagnosis, bipolar disorder. “Being locked up in that little cell makes you kind of crazy,” he said. “My memory is in bits and pieces. I was on a lot of medication at the time. Everyone knew that.” He paused, then said, “The statute of limitations has run out on perjury, hasn’t it?”

Aside from the scientific evidence of arson, the case against Willingham did not stand up to scrutiny. Jackson, the prosecutor, said of Webb’s testimony, “You can take it or leave it.” Even the refrigerator’s placement by the back door of the house turned out to be innocuous; there were two refrigerators in the cramped kitchen, and one of them was by the back door. Jimmie Hensley, the police detective, and Douglas Fogg, the assistant fire chief, both of whom investigated the fire, told me recently that they had never believed that the fridge was part of the arson plot. “It didn’t have nothing to do with the fire,” Fogg said.

After months of investigating the case, Gilbert found that her faith in the prosecution was shaken. As she told me, “What if Todd really was innocent?”

III

In the summer of 1660, an Englishman named William Harrison vanished on a walk, near the village of Charingworth, in Gloucestershire. His bloodstained hat was soon discovered on the side of a local road. Police interrogated Harrison’s servant, John Perry, and eventually Perry gave a statement that his mother and his brother had killed Harrison for money. Perry, his mother, and his brother were hanged.

Two years later, Harrison reappeared. He insisted, fancifully, that he had been abducted by a band of criminals and sold into slavery. Whatever happened, one thing was indisputable: he had not been murdered by the Perrys.

The fear that an innocent person might be executed has long haunted jurors and lawyers and judges. During America’s Colonial period, dozens of crimes were punishable by death, including horse thievery, blasphemy, “man-stealing,” and highway robbery. After independence, the number of crimes eligible for the death penalty was gradually reduced, but doubts persisted over whether legal procedures were sufficient to prevent an innocent person from being executed. In 1868, John Stuart Mill made one of the most eloquent defenses of capital punishment, arguing that executing a murderer did not display a wanton disregard for life but, rather, proof of its value. “We show, on the contrary, most emphatically our regard for it by the adoption of a rule that he who violates that right in another forfeits it for himself,” he said. For Mill, there was one counterargument that carried weight—“that if by an error of justice an innocent person is put to death, the mistake can never be corrected.”

The modern legal system, with its lengthy appeals process and clemency boards, was widely assumed to protect the kind of “error of justice” that Mill feared. In 2000, while George W. Bush was governor of Texas, he said, “I know there are some in the country who don’t care for the death penalty, but . . . we’ve adequately answered innocence or guilt.” His top policy adviser on issues of criminal justice emphasized that there is “super due process to make sure that no innocent defendants are executed.”

In recent years, though, questions have mounted over whether the system is fail-safe. Since 1976, more than a hundred and thirty people on death row have been exonerated. DNA testing, which was developed in the eighties, saved seventeen of them, but the technique can be used only in rare instances. Barry Scheck, a co-founder of the Innocence Project, which has used DNA testing to exonerate prisoners, estimates that about eighty per cent of felonies do not involve biological evidence.

In 2000, after thirteen people on death row in Illinois were exonerated, George Ryan, who was then governor of the state, suspended the death penalty. Though he had been a longtime advocate of capital punishment, he declared that he could no longer support a system that has “come so close to the ultimate nightmare—the state’s taking of innocent life.” Former Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor has said that the “execution of a legally and factually innocent person would be a constitutionally intolerable event.”

Such a case has become a kind of grisly Holy Grail among opponents of capital punishment. In his 2002 book “The Death Penalty,” Stuart Banner observes, “The prospect of killing an innocent person seemed to be the one thing that could cause people to rethink their support for capital punishment. Some who were not troubled by statistical arguments against the death penalty—claims about deterrence or racial disparities—were deeply troubled that such an extreme injustice might occur in an individual case.” Opponents of the death penalty have pointed to several questionable cases. In 1993, Ruben Cantu was executed in Texas for fatally shooting a man during a robbery. Years later, a second victim, who survived the shooting, told the Houston Chronicle that he had been pressured by police to identify Cantu as the gunman, even though he believed Cantu to be innocent. Sam Millsap, the district attorney in the case, who had once supported capital punishment (“I’m no wild-eyed, pointy-headed liberal”), said that he was disturbed by the thought that he had made a mistake.

In 1995, Larry Griffin was put to death in Missouri, for a drive-by shooting of a drug dealer. The case rested largely on the eyewitness testimony of a career criminal named Robert Fitzgerald, who had been an informant for prosecutors before and was in the witness-protection program. Fitzgerald maintained that he happened to be at the scene because his car had broken down. After Griffin’s execution, a probe sponsored by the N.A.A.C.P.’s Legal Defense and Educational Fund revealed that a man who had been wounded during the incident insisted that Griffin was not the shooter. Moreover, the first police officer at the scene disputed that Fitzgerald had witnessed the crime.

These cases, however, stopped short of offering irrefutable proof that a “legally and factually innocent person” was executed. In 2005, a St. Louis prosecutor, Jennifer Joyce, launched an investigation of the Griffin case, upon being presented with what she called “compelling” evidence of Griffin’s potential innocence. After two years of reviewing the evidence, and interviewing a new eyewitness, Joyce said that she and her team were convinced that the “right person was convicted.”

Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, in 2006, voted with a majority to uphold the death penalty in a Kansas case. In his opinion, Scalia declared that, in the modern judicial system, there has not been “a single case—not one—in which it is clear that a person was executed for a crime he did not commit. If such an event had occurred in recent years, we would not have to hunt for it; the innocent’s name would be shouted from the rooftops.”

“My problems are simple,” Willingham wrote Gilbert in September, 1999. “Try to keep them from killing me at all costs. End of story.”

During his first years on death row, Willingham had pleaded with his lawyer, David Martin, to rescue him. “You can’t imagine what it’s like to be here, with people I have no business even being around,” he wrote.

For a while, Willingham shared a cell with Ricky Lee Green, a serial killer, who castrated and fatally stabbed his victims, including a sixteen-year-old boy. (Green was executed in 1997.) Another of Willingham’s cellmates, who had an I.Q. below seventy and the emotional development of an eight-year-old, was raped by an inmate. “You remember me telling you I had a new celly?” Willingham wrote in a letter to his parents. “The little retarded boy. . . . There was this guy here on the wing who is a shit sorry coward (who is the same one I got into it with a little over a month ago). Well, he raped [my cellmate] in the 3 row shower week before last.” Willingham said that he couldn’t believe that someone would “rape a boy who cannot even defend himself. Pretty damn low.”

Because Willingham was known as a “baby killer,” he was a target of attacks. “Prison is a rough place, and with a case like mine they never give you the benefit of a doubt,” he wrote his parents. After he tried to fight one prisoner who threatened him, Willingham told a friend that if he hadn’t stood up for himself several inmates would have “beaten me up or raped or”—his thought trailed off.

Over the years, Willingham’s letters home became increasingly despairing. “This is a hard place, and it makes a person hard inside,” he wrote. “I told myself that was one thing I did not want and that was for this place to make me bitter, but it is hard.” He went on, “They have [executed] at least one person every month I have been here. It is senseless and brutal. . . . You see, we are not living in here, we are only existing.” In 1996, he wrote, “I just been trying to figure out why after having a wife and 3 beautiful children that I loved my life has to end like this. And sometimes it just seems like it is not worth it all. . . . In the 3 1/2 years I been here I have never felt that my life was as worthless and desolate as it is now.” Since the fire, he wrote, he had the sense that his life was slowly being erased. He obsessively looked at photographs of his children and Stacy, which he stored in his cell. “So long ago, so far away,” he wrote in a poem. “Was everything truly there?”

Inmates on death row are housed in a prison within a prison, where there are no attempts at rehabilitation, and no educational or training programs. In 1999, after seven prisoners tried to escape from Huntsville, Willingham and four hundred and fifty-nine other inmates on death row were moved to a more secure facility, in Livingston, Texas. Willingham was held in isolation in a sixty-square-foot cell, twenty-three hours a day. He tried to distract himself by drawing—“amateur stuff,” as he put it—and writing poems. In a poem about his children, he wrote, “There is nothing more beautiful than you on this earth.” When Gilbert once suggested some possible revisions to his poems, he explained that he wrote them simply as expressions, however crude, of his feelings. “So to me to cut them up and try to improve on them just for creative-writing purposes would be to destroy what I was doing to start with,” he said.

Despite his efforts to occupy his thoughts, he wrote in his diary that his mind “deteriorates each passing day.” He stopped working out and gained weight. He questioned his faith: “No God who cared about his creation would abandon the innocent.” He seemed not to care if another inmate attacked him. “A person who is already dead inside does not fear” death, he wrote.

One by one, the people he knew in prison were escorted into the execution chamber. There was Clifton Russell, Jr., who, at the age of eighteen, stabbed and beat a man to death, and who said, in his last statement, “I thank my Father, God in Heaven, for the grace he has granted me—I am ready.” There was Jeffery Dean Motley, who kidnapped and fatally shot a woman, and who declared, in his final words, “I love you, Mom. Goodbye.” And there was John Fearance, who murdered his neighbor, and who turned to God in his last moments and said, “I hope He will forgive me for what I done.”

Willingham had grown close to some of his prison mates, even though he knew that they were guilty of brutal crimes. In March, 2000, Willingham’s friend Ponchai Wilkerson—a twenty-eight-year-old who had shot and killed a clerk during a jewelry heist—was executed. Afterward, Willingham wrote in his diary that he felt “an emptiness that has not been touched since my children were taken from me.” A year later, another friend who was about to be executed—“one of the few real people I have met here not caught up in the bravado of prison”—asked Willingham to make him a final drawing. “Man, I never thought drawing a simple Rose could be so emotionally hard,” Willingham wrote. “The hard part is knowing that this will be the last thing I can do for him.”

Another inmate, Ernest Ray Willis, had a case that was freakishly similar to Willingham’s. In 1987, Willis had been convicted of setting a fire, in West Texas, that killed two women. Willis told investigators that he had been sleeping on a friend’s living-room couch and woke up to a house full of smoke. He said that he tried to rouse one of the women, who was sleeping in another room, but the flames and smoke drove him back, and he ran out the front door before the house exploded with flames. Witnesses maintained that Willis had acted suspiciously; he moved his car out of the yard, and didn’t show “any emotion,” as one volunteer firefighter put it. Authorities also wondered how Willis could have escaped the house without burning his bare feet. Fire investigators found pour patterns, puddle configurations, and other signs of arson. The authorities could discern no motive for the crime, but concluded that Willis, who had no previous record of violence, was a sociopath—a “demon,” as the prosecutor put it. Willis was charged with capital murder and sentenced to death.

Willis had eventually obtained what Willingham called, enviously, a “bad-ass lawyer.” James Blank, a noted patent attorney in New York, was assigned Willis’s case as part of his firm’s pro-bono work. Convinced that Willis was innocent, Blank devoted more than a dozen years to the case, and his firm spent millions, on fire consultants, private investigators, forensic experts, and the like. Willingham, meanwhile, relied on David Martin, his court-appointed lawyer, and one of Martin’s colleagues to handle his appeals. Willingham often told his parents, “You don’t know what it’s like to have lawyers who won’t even believe you’re innocent.” Like many inmates on death row, Willingham eventually filed a claim of inadequate legal representation. (When I recently asked Martin about his representation of Willingham, he said, “There were no grounds for reversal, and the verdict was absolutely the right one.” He said of the case, “Shit, it’s incredible that anyone’s even thinking about it.”)

Willingham tried to study the law himself, reading books such as “Tact in Court, or How Lawyers Win: Containing Sketches of Cases Won by Skill, Wit, Art, Tact, Courage and Eloquence.” Still, he confessed to a friend, “The law is so complicated it is hard for me to understand.” In 1996, he obtained a new court-appointed lawyer, Walter Reaves, who told me that he was appalled by the quality of Willingham’s defense at trial and on appeal. Reaves prepared for him a state writ of habeas corpus, known as a Great Writ. In the byzantine appeals process of death-penalty cases, which frequently takes more than ten years, the writ is the most critical stage: a prisoner can introduce new evidence detailing such things as perjured testimony, unreliable medical experts, and bogus scientific findings. Yet most indigent inmates, like Willingham, who constitute the bulk of those on death row, lack the resources to track down new witnesses or dig up fresh evidence. They must depend on court-appointed lawyers, many of whom are “unqualified, irresponsible, or overburdened,” as a study by the Texas Defender Service, a nonprofit organization, put it. In 2000, a Dallas Morning News investigation revealed that roughly a quarter of the inmates condemned to death in Texas were represented by court-appointed attorneys who had, at some point in their careers, been “reprimanded, placed on probation, suspended or banned from practicing law by the State Bar.” Although Reaves was more competent, he had few resources to reinvestigate the case, and his writ introduced no new exculpatory evidence: nothing further about Webb, or the reliability of the eyewitness testimony, or the credibility of the medical experts. It focussed primarily on procedural questions, such as whether the trial court erred in its instructions to the jury.

The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals was known for upholding convictions even when overwhelming exculpatory evidence came to light. In 1997, DNA testing proved that sperm collected from a rape victim did not match Roy Criner, who had been sentenced to ninety-nine years for the crime. Two lower courts recommended that the verdict be overturned, but the Court of Criminal Appeals upheld it, arguing that Criner might have worn a condom or might not have ejaculated. Sharon Keller, who is now the presiding judge on the court, stated in a majority opinion, “The new evidence does not establish innocence.” In 2000, George W. Bush pardoned Criner. (Keller was recently charged with judicial misconduct, for refusing to keep open past five o’clock a clerk’s office in order to allow a last-minute petition from a man who was executed later that night.)

On October 31, 1997, the Court of Criminal Appeals denied Willingham’s writ. After Willingham filed another writ of habeas corpus, this time in federal court, he was granted a temporary stay. In a poem, Willingham wrote, “One more chance, one more strike / Another bullet dodged, another date escaped.”

Willingham was entering his final stage of appeals. As his anxieties mounted, he increasingly relied upon Gilbert to investigate his case and for emotional support. “She may never know what a change she brought into my life,” he wrote in his diary. “For the first time in many years she gave me a purpose, something to look forward to.”

As their friendship deepened, he asked her to promise him that she would never disappear without explanation. “I already have that in my life,” he told her.

Together, they pored over clues and testimony. Gilbert says that she would send Reaves leads to follow up, but although he was sympathetic, nothing seemed to come of them. In 2002, a federal district court of appeals denied Willingham’s writ without even a hearing. “Now I start the last leg of my journey,” Willingham wrote to Gilbert. “Got to get things in order.”

He appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, but in December, 2003, he was notified that it had declined to hear his case. He soon received a court order announcing that “the Director of the Department of Criminal Justice at Huntsville, Texas, acting by and through the executioner designated by said Director . . . is hereby DIRECTED and COMMANDED, at some hour after 6:00 p.m. on the 17th day of February, 2004, at the Department of Criminal Justice in Huntsville, Texas, to carry out this sentence of death by intravenous injection of a substance or substances in a lethal quantity sufficient to cause the death of said Cameron Todd Willingham.”

Willingham wrote a letter to his parents. “Are you sitting down?” he asked, before breaking the news. “I love you both so much,” he said.

His only remaining recourse was to appeal to the governor of Texas, Rick Perry, a Republican, for clemency. The process, considered the last gatekeeper to the executioner, has been called by the U.S. Supreme Court “the ‘fail safe’ in our criminal justice system.”

IV

One day in January, 2004, Dr. Gerald Hurst, an acclaimed scientist and fire investigator, received a file describing all the evidence of arson gathered in Willingham’s case. Gilbert had come across Hurst’s name and, along with one of Willingham’s relatives, had contacted him, seeking his help. After their pleas, Hurst had agreed to look at the case pro bono, and Reaves, Willingham’s lawyer, had sent him the relevant documents, in the hope that there were grounds for clemency.

Hurst opened the file in the basement of his house in Austin, which served as a laboratory and an office, and was cluttered with microscopes and diagrams of half-finished experiments. Hurst was nearly six and half feet tall, though his stooped shoulders made him seem considerably shorter, and he had a gaunt face that was partly shrouded by long gray hair. He was wearing his customary outfit: black shoes, black socks, a black T-shirt, and loose-fitting black pants supported by black suspenders. In his mouth was a wad of chewing tobacco.

A child prodigy who was raised by a sharecropper during the Great Depression, Hurst used to prowl junk yards, collecting magnets and copper wires in order to build radios and other contraptions. In the early sixties, he received a Ph.D. in chemistry from Cambridge University, where he started to experiment with fluorine and other explosive chemicals, and once detonated his lab. Later, he worked as the chief scientist on secret weapons programs for several American companies, designing rockets and deadly fire bombs—or what he calls “god-awful things.” He helped patent what has been described, with only slight exaggeration, as “the world’s most powerful nonnuclear explosive”: an Astrolite bomb. He experimented with toxins so lethal that a fraction of a drop would rot human flesh, and in his laboratory he often had to wear a pressurized moon suit; despite such precautions, exposure to chemicals likely caused his liver to fail, and in 1994 he required a transplant. Working on what he calls “the dark side of arson,” he retrofitted napalm bombs with Astrolite, and developed ways for covert operatives in Vietnam to create bombs from local materials, such as chicken manure and sugar. He also perfected a method for making an exploding T-shirt by nitrating its fibres.

His conscience eventually began pricking him. “One day, you wonder, What the hell am I doing?” he recalls. He left the defense industry, and went on to invent the Mylar balloon, an improved version of Liquid Paper, and Kinepak, a kind of explosive that reduces the risk of accidental detonation. Because of his extraordinary knowledge of fire and explosives, companies in civil litigation frequently sought his help in determining the cause of a blaze. By the nineties, Hurst had begun devoting significant time to criminal-arson cases, and, as he was exposed to the methods of local and state fire investigators, he was shocked by what he saw.

Many arson investigators, it turned out, had only a high-school education. In most states, in order to be certified, investigators had to take a forty-hour course on fire investigation, and pass a written exam. Often, the bulk of an investigator’s training came on the job, learning from “old-timers” in the field, who p